2 Apr 2013



Kampuni ya Mohamed Enterprises yauziwa viwanja kinyemela
*Bandari watumbua zaidi ya bilioni 1.5, waendesha miradi hewa
*Mabosi wanachomeka watumishi hewa, wanavuta mishahara




Ripoti ya Mdhibiti na Mkaguzi Mkuu wa Hesabu za Serikali (CAG), Ludovick Utouh, ya mwaka wa fedha unaoishia Juni 30, 2011; imeendelea kufichua namna kundi la watumishi wa umma na wafanyabiashara wakubwa wanavyoitafuna Tanzania. Utouh aliwasilisha taarifa hiyo bungeni mwishoni mwa wiki. Fedha na mali za umma zenye thamani ya mabilioni ya shilingi, ama zinaibwa au zinachukuliwa kwa namna ambayo ni vigumu kuamini kama kweli viongozi wakuu wa kitaifa wana dhamira ya kutokomeza ufisadi uliovuka mipaka. 


Kuuzwa kwa viwanja, majengo ya Serikali 
CAG amebaini kuwa kiwanja kilichopo katika Kitalu Na. 10 katika Barabara ya Nyerere, kimeuzwa kwa kampuni ya Mohammed Enterprises Tanzania Limited (MeTL) kinyemela. Amesema wakati uuzaji kiwanja hicho ulipaswa uratibiwe na Bodi ya Shirika Hodhi la Mashirika ya Umma (CHC - mrithi wa PSRC), kazi hiyo ilifanywa na watu wasiokuwa na mamlaka kisheria. 
Nyaraka za mawasiliano kati ya MeTL, Wizara ya Fedha na Msajili wa Hazina zinazohusiana na uuzaji kiwanja hicho, zinaonyesha kuwa Wizara ya Fedha na Msajili wa Hazina ndiyo waliojihusisha moja kwa moja katika uuzaji wa mali hiyo ya umma, kwa kutoa maelekezo kwenye menejimenti ya CHC. Bodi ya Wakurugenzi haikushirikishwa kabisa. 
Hatimaye kiwanja hicho kiliuzwa kwa MeTL kwa Sh bilioni 2.046 bila kufuatwa kwa Sheria ya Ununuzi wa Umma ya mwaka 2004 na kanuni zake za mwaka 2005. 
Katibu wa Waziri aamuru kampuni ilipwe Sh bilioni 2.34
Utata wa matumizi mabaya ya fedha za umma, umemkumba aliyekuwa Katibu wa Waziri mwenye dhamana ya Mipango, Uchumi na Uwezeshaji kuhusu kiwanja namba 192 kilichopo Barabara ya Nyerere. Alimwandikia barua Mwenyekiti wa PSRC ailipe kampuni ya DRTC Sh milioni 954.72. 
Hata hivyo, Meneja Mkuu wa DRTC akamwandikia Kaimu Mkurugenzi Mkuu wa CHC akitaka alipwe haraka kiasi cha Sh bilioni 2.349. Kwenye barua hiyo, Meneja wa DRTC alisisitiza kuwa malipo hayo ni maelekezo kutoka serikalini, licha ya ukweli kwamba yalikuwa ni makubwa kuliko madai halisi na akalipwa. 
Kuuzwa kwa jengo la kampuni ya umma ya TMSC
Jengo la kampuni ya Tanzania Motors Services (TMSC) lipo katika kitalu namba 24 katika Barabara ya Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Dar es Salaam. Jengo hilo liliuzwa kwa kwa kampuni ya Saddiq Super Service Station (SSSS) kwa Sh bilioni 1.3. Kampuni hiyo ilitoa malipo ya awali ya asilimia 10, yaani Sh milioni 130. Baadaye Wizara ya Fedha ikaitaarifu CHC kuwa Serikali imeghairi kuliuza jengo hilo lililopo kitalu namba 24 kwa kampuni ya SSSS. Wizara ya Fedha ikaitaka CHC ikubaliane na SSSS kuwafidia, kwani tayari kampuni hiyo ilishatoa kianzio cha Sh milioni 130. 
Kuona hivyo, kampuni ya SSSS ikawasilisha madai ya kulipwa fidia ya Sh bilioni 3.894 kwa ajili ya kupoteza biashara yake na Sh milioni 500 kama fidia kwa usumbufu. Hatimaye ikaamuliwa kuwa SSSS ilipwe Sh milioni 964 ambamo ndani yake kulikuwa na Sh milioni 130 ilizotoa awali na gharama za usumbufu. 
Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara ya Fedha alikuwa Mwenyekiti wa kikao kilichoidhinisha malipo hayo. Akawasilisha katika Wizara ya Fedha ambayo yeye ni kiongozi, ili ilipe kiasi hicho cha fedha kwa maelekezo ya kikao alichokiongoza yeye mwenyewe. 
Kwa uamuzi huo, Wizara ya Fedha ikailipa moja kwa moja SSSS Sh milioni 964.2; ilhali kama ni malipo, basi yalipaswa kufanywa na CHC. Malipo hayo, kwa mujibu wa taarifa ya CAG, yanaibua maswali juu ya dhamira ya Wizara ya Fedha kulipa fedha hizo haraka haraka bila kuishirikisha Menejimenti wala Bodi ya Wakurugenzi ya CHC. 
Malipo ya kushangaza kwa kampuni ya Tantrack
Tantrack Agencies ilikuwa mpangaji katika jengo la TMSC lilipo kitalu namba 24, Barabara ya Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Dar es Salaam. Ilipanga kwa miaka miwili kuanzia Julai Mosi 1993. Kampuni hiyo inasema ilitumia Sh milioni 24 kukarabati jengo kwa wakati wote wa mkataba wake wa upangaji, licha ya ukweli kwamba jambo hilo halikuwamo kwenye mkataba iliyoingia na TMSC. Ikakataa kulipa ada ya pango ikisema fedha hizo zilizotumika kwenye ukarabati zitambuliwe kuwa ndiyo ada ya pango. 
Tantrack ikafungua kesi ya madai namba 257 ya mwaka 1995 katika Baraza la Nyumba Mkoa wa Dar es Salaam (DRHT) dhidi ya TMSC, kwa kigezo kwamba TMSC ilikuwa ikivunja makubaliano. Ilifanya hivyo baada ya TMSC kuiandikia barua ikiipa notisi ya miezi sita ihame kutokana na kutotekeleza makubaliano ya mkataba. 
Wakati hayo yakiendelea, jengo la TMSC likauzwa kwa njia ya mnada kwa African Terminal Limited (ATL) kwa amri ya Mahakama ya Hakimu Mkazi Kisutu, Dar es Salaam, kwa Sh milioni 3. CHC ikapeleka vielelezo vyake mahakamani ikionyesha mkataba ulivyokuwa kati yake na Tantrack. Kabla rufaa haijasikilizwa, ATL ikaweka pingamizi. Sasa ni miaka 15 suala hilo likiwa halijaamuliwa. 
CAG anasema imebainika kuwa kuna uzembe na kutowajibika kwa pande zote mbili zinazopambana kwenye mgogoro huo. 
Utata Kitalu namba 33 kilichotwaliwa na Kampuni ya Maungu Seeds
PSRC iliingia makubaliano na kampuni ya Maungu Seeds, kwa ajili ya kununua kiwanda cha Mzizima Maize Mill kilichopo Kitalu namba 33, Barabara ya Saza katika Eneo la Viwanda Chang’ombe jijini Dar es Salaam. 
Makubaliano hayo yalitiwa saini Septemba 1, 2004; na gharama ya ununuzi ilikuwa Sh milioni 620. Malipo yalikuwa yafanywe kwa awamu tatu. Maungu ikaanza kulipa Sh milioni 200 na kutoa dhamana ya benki (TIB) ya Sh milioni 420. 
Ikakubaliwa kuwa PSRC ingeikabidhi kampuni ya Maungu kiwanda hicho ndani ya miezi mitatu baada ya kutiliana saini ya ununuzi, na kwamba Maungu ingekabidhiwa nyaraka zote baada ya kukamilisha malipo. Iliyokuwa PSRC ikashindwa kukabidhi kiwanda kwa mujibu wa makubaliano kwenye mkataba kutokana na kwamba, kiwanda kilikuwa rehani kwa kampuni ya CDC London ya Uingereza tangu mwaka 1959. 
Hatimaye, ilipofika Aprili 26, 2006 rehani ikawa imeondolewa, lakini tayari muda wa dhamana ya benki ulikuwa umekwisha. Kiasi cha Sh milioni 420 kikawa hakijalipwa. Mwaka 2010 kampuni ya Maungu ikafungua kesi ya madai na ikaamuriwa kuwa ipewe hati ya eneo yenye namba 6639. PSRC (CHC) ikaamuriwa iilipe Maungu Sh milioni 200 haraka. Fedha hizo ni zilezile ilizokuwa imetoa kama malipo ya awali na ikarejeshewa. 
Kimsingi, Maungu ikawa haijalipa chochote, lakini ikawa imepewa kiwanda cha Mzizima bure kabisa bila kulipa kiasi chochote kwa mali hiyo ya umma. 
Madeni ya Simu 2000 yafutwa kienyeji
CAG ameonyesha wasiwasi mkubwa kwa uamuzi wa CHC wa kufuta madeni mengi ya iliyokuwa kampuni ya Simu 2000. Kampuni hiyo iliundwa na kuongozwa na familia ya Mama Anna Mkapa, kwa ajili ya kuuza zilizokuwa mali za Shirika la Posta na Simu. Kuna habari kwamba familia hiyo ilijitwalia mali kadhaa zenye thamani ya mabilioni ya shilingi. Miongoni mwa majengo yaliyouzwa ni maghorofa yaliyopo Ilala. 
Ulaji Chuo cha Ubaharia (DMI)
Ukaguzi uliofanywa na CAG umebaini kuwa Sh milioni 83.96 zimelipwa kama takrima na fedha za kujikimu kwa viongozi bila kuidhinishwa na mamlaka za kisheria. Katika malipo hayo, maofisa wa Wizara ya Mawasiliano walilipwa Sh milioni 12; na Sh milioni 51.8 zililipwa kwa Mwenyekiti wa Baraza la DMI kama posho ya madaraka (honorarium), mafuta na posho ya vikao. 
Sh milioni 2.6 zililipwa kwa maofisa wa akaunti wa DMI bila wao wenyewe kuhudhuria vikao; Sh. milioni 10.4 zililipwa kwa watumishi wa DMI kama posho ya kujikimu Juni, 2009 bila wenyewe kuhudhuria kile kilichoitwa kuwa ni kikao cha kikosi kazi cha kupitia mitaala ya DMI. 
Katika hatua nyingine, DMI ilipokea Sh milioni 385 kwa ajili ya kuwalipa wadeni wake, lakini ukaguzi umebaini kuwa ni 205.8 pekee zilizotumika. Wafanyakazi 12 wa DMI wamelipwa mishahara ya ngazi ya PGSS 5 na zaidi bila kuidhinishwa na Baraza DMI. Aidha, Mkurugenzi wa Fedha na Utawala amekuwa akijilipa mshahara kwa kiwango cha PHTS ambacho hakikuidhinishwa. 
Kompyuta za msaada zaibwa, zanyofolewa vifaa
Ukaguzi umebaini kuwa Chuo Kikuu cha Leeds nchini Uingereza, kilitoa msaada wa kompyuta 25 kwa DMI kwa ajili ya maktaba yake. DMI ilimlipa wakala wa utoaji vifaa hivyo bandarini Sh milioni tatu Desemba 7, 2007. Lakini hadi ukaguzi unafanywa, kompyuta hizo zilikuwa hazijawasilishwa kama ilivyotarajiwa. 
Baadaye imebainika kuwa kati ya kompyuta hizo, ni kompyuta 13 pekee zilizowasilishwa katika maktaba, na kwamba ni kompyuta nne pekee zinazoweza kukarabatiwa. Kompyuta kenda haziwezi kutengenezwa kutokana na kuibwa vifaa muhimu kama Ram, Processors, Hard disks, Power Supply na Mother Boards. 
Bohari ya Dawa (MSD) inaingiza vifaa feki
Pamoja na kuwapo upotevu wa mamilioni ya shilingi zinazotolewa kwa ajili ya ununuzi wa dawa, CAG amebaini kuwa baadhi ya vifaa na dawa vinavyosambazwa na MSD havina ubora. Ametoa mfano wa mashine za kupima shinikizo la damu na vifaa vinavyotumika kubebea wagonjwa. 
Pia dawa kama kwinini imebainika kuwa inasambazwa nyingine ikiwa na ubora wa hali ya chini, kutokana na pengine kutohifadhiwa vizuri. Aidha, ukaguzi umebaini kuwa vitambaa vinavyotumika kunyonya damu wakati wa upasuaji huwa vipo chini ya kiwango. 
Ukaguzi umebaini kuwa Sh bilioni 3.95, dola milioni 9.4 na euro milioni 1.5 ambazo zimetumika bila kuidhinishwa na Bodi ya Zabuni ya MSD na hivyo kukiuka Sheri ya Ununuzi wa Umma ya mwaka 2004 na Kanuni 41 ya Tangazo la Serikali namba 97. 
Aidha, imebainika kuwa MSD imefanya ununuzi kwa zabuni nane huku upitiaji wa zabuni hiyo ukifanywa na mtu mmoja, jambo ambalo ni kinyume cha sheria. Zabuni zilizofikwa na hali hiyo ni za Sh milioni 134.4, dola 10,000 na Euro milioni 1.5. 
Ulaji wa kutisha Bandari ya Dar es Salaam
Mamlaka ya Bandari Tanzania (TPA) iliingia mkataba na kampuni ya Singapore PTE Limited kwa ajili ya kuweka ‘Radio Data Terminals’ Februari 2010 wenye thamani ya dola 339,600. Punde tu baada ya TPA kupata radio hizo, mambo kadhaa yalianza kujitokeza. 
Kwanza, menejimenti ikabaini kuwa ‘Radio Data Terminals’ hizo  haziwezi kufanya kazi bila kile kinachoitwa kitaalamu kuwa ni ‘Access Points’ (virusha mawimbi). Hatua hiyo ikaifanya PTA iingie mkataba mwingine na Singapore PTE Limited Juni 21, 2010 kwa ajili ya kuweka virusha mawimbi 68 kwa gharama ya dola 399,000. Baada ya kununua vifaa hivyo, ikabainika tena kwamba haviwezi kufungwa juu minara ya iliyokuwapo. Kwa sababu hiyo, PTA ikaingia mkataba mwingine na CATS (T) Limited Septemba 17, 2010 kwa ajili ya kuweka minara mingine kwa gharama ya dola 133,000. 
CAG anasema katika ukaguzi wake kwamba pamoja na kufanya yote hayo, bado ‘Radio Data Terminals’ hazikuweza kufanya kazi kama ilivyokusudiwa, kwa vile ilipaswa iunganishwe kwenye mkongo (fibre optic) kwa gharama ya dola 553,800 za Marekani. Kazi hiyo ikafanywa na EMEC. 
Kwa kifupi, TPA ikajiingiza kwenye gharama za ziada za dola milioni 1.09 na bado kilichokusudiwa hakikuweza kupatikana kwa muda kutoka kwa mkandarasi aitwaye CATS. Hakuna gharama zozote ambazo TPA imeweza kuzidai kutokana na kucheleweshwa au kuingia gharama kubwa kiasi hicho. Hii inatiliwa shaka kuwa ndiyo ulaji wenyewe. 
Sh milioni 100 zaliwa bila jengo la bosi TPA
TPA iliingia mkataba na kampuni ya AF MULT-CON LIMITED kujenga makazi ya Meneja wa Bandari Tanga kwa gharama ya Sh milioni 500. Utangazaji zabuni umebainika kuwa ulifuata taratibu zote. Hata hivyo, CAG amebaini kuwa kuna uzembe katika kufuatilia taratibu za mkataba wa zabuni. CAG mwenyewe alizuru eneo lililokusudiwa kujengwa jengo hilo, na hakushuhudia malighafi wala shughuli yoyote ya kuhalalisha malipo ya Sh milioni 100 ambazo tayari mzabuni alishalipwa. 
Mkataba mwingine wa utata TPA
Wakati wa ukaguzi, CAG alibaini kuwa TPA iliingia mkataba na kampuni ya Chibeshi Construction kwa ajili ya kujenga uzio katika kitalu namba moja kwenye Bandari ya Mtwara. Mkataba huo ulikuwa na thamani ya Sh milioni 679.8. Ulitiwa saini Aprili 14, 2009 na ujenzi ulipaswa ukamilike kwa wiki 26 kutoka siku ya kutiwa saini mkataba. 
Kabla ya mkandarasi kuanza ujenzi, TPA ikaamua kuvunja mkataba huo kwa maelezo kwamba hapakuwapo fedha zilizotengwa kwa ajili ya kazi hiyo. Uamuzi huo ukaifanya TPA iingie hasara ya Sh milioni 92.6 kama adhabu au faini. Ikamlipa mkandarasi. Fedha zikachukuliwa na mkandarasi bila kufanya kazi yoyote. 
Mkataba mwingine wa utata waingiza hasara TPA
Katika ukaguzi, CAG amebaini kuwa PTA iliingia mkataba na kampuni ya WiA kwa ajili ya kuweka mawasiliano ya intaneti katika Makao Makuu ya TPA, na bandari nyingine zilizo chini ya Mamlaka hiyo. Mkataba huo ulikuwa wa miezi mitatu kuanzia Julai 2010. Hata hivyo, mradi huo haukukamilika baada ya muda uliopangwa kumalizika. TPA ikaamua kumwongeza mkandarasi muda hadi Februari 28, 2011 na mkandarasi bado alishindwa. TPA ilipaswa kumtoza mkandarasi kiasi cha dola 95,000 kwa kushindwa kutekeleza mkataba kwa muda, lakini haikufanya hivyo. 
Hazina yalipa mamilioni ya mishahara hewa
Wakati wa ukaguzi, CAG amebaini kuwa Hazina imeendelea kutumia mamilioni ya shilingi kuwalipa wafanyakazi hewa katika taasisi mbalimbali. Katika ukaguzi huo, imebainika kuwa Chuo Kikuu cha Mkwawa (MUCE) kumekuwa na majina 42 ya watu wanaolipwa mishahara licha ya ukweli kwamba si watumishi wa chuo hicho. Imebainika kuwa kuanzia Oktoba 2009 hadi Juni, 2010 MUCE ilipokea Sh milioni 612 na kuwalipa watumishi hewa. 
Katika Chuo Kikuu cha Kumbukumbu ya Mwalimu Nyerere (MNMA), Hazina imeendelea kuwalipa mishahara watu ambao si watumishi chuoni hapo. Baadhi ya waliostaafu na MNMA kupeleka majina yao Hazina, wanaendelea kulipwa. Hali hiyo imesababisha Sh milioni 134.74 zitumike kuwalipa watu ambao si watumishi katika chuo hicho. Fedha hizo hazikurejeshwa Hazina. 
Katika Chuo Kikuu cha Mzumbe, orodha ya majina kutoka Hazina inaonyesha kuwa hata wale ambao si watumishi tena wa chuo hicho, majina yao yapo kwenye orodha ya wanaostahili kulipwa mishahara. Kuanzi Oktoba 2010, Machi 2011, Mei 2011 na Juni 2011 Sh milioni 194.4 zimetumika kuwalipa watu ambao si watumishi katika chuo hicho. 
Imebainika pia kwamba baadhi ya watumishi waliojiuzulu au kuacha kazi katika Chuo cha Ustawi wa Jamii (ISW), majina yao yameendelea kuwa kwenye orodha ya Hazina ya watumishi wanaopaswa kulipwa. Sh milioni 181 zilikuwa zimetumika kuwalipa hadi wakati ambao CAG alikuwa akiandaa ripoti hii. 
Katika Chuo cha Elimu Dar es Salaam nako mambo ni kama hayo. Watu 56 ambao hawapo kwenye utumishi wameweza kulipwa Sh milioni 778.7 licha ya ukweli kwamba hawapo chuoni hapo. Hakuna rekodi inayoonyesha kuwa fedha hizo zilirejeshwa Hazina. 
Fedha za Mifuko ya Jamii hatarini
Ukaguzi umebaini kuwa upo udhaifu mkubwa na hatari ya kupotea kwa mabilioni ya shilingi zilizowekezwa na Mifuko ya Jamii katika miradi mbalimbali nchini. 
Shirika la Hifadhi ya Jamii (NSSF) limetumia Sh bilioni 234.054 kwa ajili ya ujenzi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dodoma. Kati ya fedha hizo, ni Sh bilioni 35.218 pekee ambazo zilisainiwa katika ujenzi wakati wa awamu ya kwanza. Fedha zilizotolewa katika ujenzi wa awamu ya pili, hazikusainiwa. Majengo ya awamu ya kwanza yamekamilika, lakini Serikali haijaanza kurejesha fedha inazodaiwa na NSSF zenye riba ya Sh bilioni 14.157. 
Wabunge waondolewe kwenye Bodi
Kwa mara nyingine, CAG amependekeza wabunge wasiwemo kwenye Bodi za Mashirika ya Umma na bodi nyingine. Anasema mapendekezo hayo yanatokana na ukweli kwamba kuwamo kwao kwenye bodi husababisha mgongano wa masilahi. 
Anasema ni Tanzania pekee ambayo wabunge ni wajumbe katika bodi za mashirika ya aina hiyo. Utaratibu kama huo haupatikani mahali kwingineko duniani wala katika vyombo ambavyo Tanzania ni mwanachama. 
Uteuzi wa wajumbe wa Bodi
CAG anatoa mapendekezo kwamba maofisa watendaji wakuu wa kampuni/mashirika ni vizuri wakateuliwa na Bodi za Wakurugenzi badala ya utaratibu wa sasa, ambako ni Rais anayewateua. Anapendekeza Rais aachiwe madaraka ya kuteua mwenyekiti wa bodi ya wakurugenzi. 
Mapendekezo hayo, kwa mujibu wa CAG, yanalenga kuifanya Bodi ya Wakurugenzi iweze kuisimamia vema menejimenti na kuleta mabadiliko yanayotarajiwa. 

Serikali ibane ununuzi mashangingi
CAG anapendekeza kuwa ili fedha nyingi zielekezwe kwenye maendeleo, Serikali haina budi kuweka utaratibu madhubuti wa kudhibiti matumizi hasa kwenye ununuzi wa magari ya kifahari, gharama za semina na kupunguza idadi ya wanaosafiri kwenye misafara ya viongozi ndani na nje ya nchi.


1 Apr 2013


Well, unless wewe msomaji ni mgeni wa Tanzania yetu, na unless hufahamu kuwa April Mosi ni siku geni, tunaweza tu kutamani kusikia Rais wetu akichukua hatua kali dhidi ya wazembe waliopelekea vifo kadhaa vya Watanzania wenzetu.

Ni hivi, kama ilivyokuwa kwa milipuko ya mabomu Mbagala naGongo la Mboto, na kama ilivyokuwa kwa mtukio ya kusikitisha ya kutekwa na mateso kwa Dkt Ulimboka na Kibanda, na mauaji ya mwandishi Mwangosi, zitaundwa tume, wajumbe wa tume watatafuna fedha za bure, na hatimaye karatasi zitakazotumika kuchapisha ripoti za tume itakayoundwa kufuatia ajali hiyo mbaya kabisa ya kuporomoka jengo zitaishia kufungiwa maandazi kama si chapati au vitumbua.

Hii ndio Tanzania yetu, na leo ni April Fool's Day

Samahani kama kichwa cha habari hii kimekupa matumaini hewa.

29 Mar 2013


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DSC03384

Picha kwa hisani ya MILLARD AYO

25 Mar 2013


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PICHA KWA HISANI YA millard Ayo


Mtafya in action
 

24 Mar 2013



On the eve of China’s new President’s visit to Tanzania, which starts tomorrow, March 24th, I thought I would need to share my views on those topics and issues I would like to advise our government to put on the table in our negotiations with Mr. Xi Jinping and his government delegation as the trip offers a unique chance for our leadership to raise those subjects which could significantly improve our countries’ relations and make our cooperation a really win-win one instead of the current situation in which Tanzania stands at the receiving end of the so-called Chinese investments into our country while what we have, have offered or could offer in exchange was supposed to give us a bigger say in demanding a larger cut from what we are contributing in the current Sino-Tanzanian economic relations. Even though we have a wide range of areas of cooperation with China, but I thought I would need to limit myself to two very important and huge, by the financial resources involved, projects which I believe our government must raise and renegotiate with Mr. Xi during his current visit to Tanzania. The two projects are the following:

1.     The Songo Songo – Dar Gas Pipeline, which is being financed by a loan of 1 billion US$ from China;

2.      The Liganga Iron Ore and Mchuchuma Coal deposits, which are to be exploited by the Chinese in joint venture with our NDC.     

The Songo Songo-Dar-Es-Salaam Gas Pipeline & the Liganga Iron Ore and Mchuchuma Coal Projects – A Critique

A lot has been written about the pipeline project in which it is reported that the Chinese have extended a loan of US$ 1 billion (read) at a supposedly fair interest rate and terms to our government (at least this is what we hear from our govt.) in which our government has guaranteed repaying back the loan as well as supplying China with gas on top of this. While not intending to go into details of the modalities of the loan agreement since I do not know them other than reading about the purported irregularities, kickbacks and other corrupt dealings supposedly committed by Tanzanian govt. officials who took part in negotiating and signing the loan agreement (these accusations against the govt. appeared at the time of the mass Mtwara and Lindi residents’ demonstrations early this year - read), however, what disturbed me most is the way the Chinese seem to have structured the deal in which it appears as if the loan for the pipeline was extended to our country only under the condition that we also give the Chinese in addition a second set of projects on mining of our iron ore and coal at Liganga and Mchuchuma, respectively. This issue is disturbing due to the fact that the estimated reserves of our iron ore and coal at the two mentioned sites are equated to amount to 200-1200 million metric tons of iron ore and 480 million metric tons of coal reserves - read. Taking the lower, conservative end of the iron ore reserves as the basis of our calculation (at the current market price of approx. 130 US$/Metric Ton), this gives us the conservative value of our iron ore deposits at Liganga at 26 billion US$ (it could be upto 6 times more, i.e. 156 billion US$ if we take the maximum figure of 1200 million metric tons given), while the coal reserves of 480 million metric tons would be valued at approx. 28,8 billion US$ {at the current conservative price of approx. 60 US$/Metric Ton (also readhere & here)}. So we have a total of about 54,8 billion US$ of mineral assets, at conservatives estimates, at both Liganga and and Mchuchuma. Now when the Chinese demand that we give them these assets in exchange for a loan of 1 billion US$, i.e. lodge our assets worth 54,8 billion as collateral to get a loan of 1 billion US$ for construction of the Songo Songo-Dar gas pipeline, a loan amount equivalent to 1,8% of the value of our assets, I wonder how can we call this a win-win situation, moreover that our government had to also issue a State guarantee for the loan, the pipeline has also to be mortgaged in favour of the Chinese till we fully repay the loan and  on top of this we are also supposed to guarantee future gas supplies to China, not to mention the fact that the Chinese are also to majority own our iron ore and coal reserves as specified by their agreement with NDC in which they will be owning 80% shares, with NDC owning the rest 20%. We also know that the Chinese have committed, in return for owning the 80% shares, to also pump in 3 billion US$ to fund exploitation of the mentioned mineral reserves – read! The US$ 3 billion equals approx. 5,5% of the value of the mineral reserves concerned and be informed, and this I’m talking from my own practical professional expertise and experience, that this money, i.e. 3 billion US$, the Chinese won’t be spending from their own funds or sources but will raise by collateralizing those OUR iron ore and coal deposits! Such types of relationships cannot be called win-win at all, a practice the Chinese and many foreign companies are good at and of which they are being regularly accused of applying in their dealings with African countries hence shortchanging these countries and condemning them to endless poverty – read of such an accusation against the Chinese on Democratic of Congo minerals – pay particular attention to the yellow-shaded part. I, too, just recently strongly criticized similar contracts vis-à-vis our hydrocarbon (oil and gas) reserves in the Ruhuhu Basin in southern-western Tanzania (read), natural gas deposits in southern Tanzania (Mtwara & Lindi), Tanzanite deposits in Mererani, Arusha – read here & here, to name just a few. By the way, the Chinese tactic of demanding several contracts as a package like the one of Gas Pipeline Loan Extension together with Iron Ore and Coal deposits have been well documented and it’s not the first time they have tried to use it in Tanzania and elsewhere in Africa. If you well remember, I once wrote you about the Chinese demanding that they be given our Mwadui Diamond Mine in a package so as to agree to also finance our problematic national airline, ATCL, in which after being refused to be offered the Mwadui project, the Chinese (using Angola’s SONANGOL) pulled out altogether from the project to finance the national airline - read here. The Chinese also tried to use a similar scheme in 2007 when China International Fund promised to construct a building terminal at the Mwalimu Nyerere International Airport in Dar-Es-Salaam as part of a project to extend the country's main airport - read here – after which they not only did not build the terminal building, but used their entrance into Tanzania through this particular project to secure licenses to explore two oilfields in the Lake Rukwa basin in south-west Tanzania.

I have mentioned the above tactics the Chinese usually use to get hold of our mineral resources and also as a way to raise funding for their projects (gas pipeline, ATCL, building terminal at Mwalimu Nyerere Airport) since I’m made to believe that it seems as if our govt. and the country’s leadership does not know that, we, as a country, could carry out ourselves the same operations the Chinese are doing to raise funding while retaining for ourselves majority ownership of our minerals and only CONTRACT the Chinese or any other foreign companies to do the job for us for a pay whilst the ownership of the mineral assets, which acts as the major and fundamental source of tapping and raising capital, remaining in the hands of our govt. and country. The way we have allowed the Chinese (read), the British (read) or Australians (read) to fully (100%) or majority own our mineral assets has lead us, as a country, to fail to own and decide on the strategic exploitation and development of these deposits and this has, among others, denied our country its single most important source of tapping and raising huge capital and creating wealth from our own assets thus making it impossible to fund and build the huge infrastructures the country needs in order to develop (including the Songo Songo-Dar Gas Pipeline) from our own funding sources as well as failing our people including those who recently demonstrated in Mtwara, Lindi and elsewhere in the country to make them feel that they will indeed economically and financially benefit from their mineral resources. In order to give you a measure of how minerals resources could be used to really enrich the country whilst also allowing the mineral-rich country to retain majority or full ownership of its mineral assets, I would like to give you an example herein below of Russia’s relations with China since Mr. Xi Jinping’s first visit abroad, after being elected the new Chinese President, has been to Russia (he is currently in Moscow before leaving today to Tanzania – read – and watch these videos:video1video2video3video4) and these relations could offer a useful and teaching lesson to Tanzanian leaders in their negotiations with not only the Chinese, but other foreign countries, governments and companies as well which want to invest in Tanzania.

SINO-RUSSIAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS – Cheap loans and credits in exchange for future minerals, oil and gas supplies

Tanzania is not the only country the Chinese invest their money. Russia, too, is a huge recipient of Chinese money, but the way the Russians have established and structured their relations with the Chinese is that at the end of the day it is the Russian’s who end up benefitting most from their economic cooperation with the Chinese while the latter secure guaranteed energy and mineral supplies from Russia, albeit at a later date. As you well know, China does not have enough of its own oil and gas deposits and is forced to import significant quantities of these products from abroad including Russia. So as to deliver reliable long term oil and gas supplies to China, Russia is supposed to build pipelines to China. But as a farsighted and rational supplier, who also wants to economize and optimize its financial resources, Russia, instead of building those pipelines from its own financial resources, it has demanded that the Chinese, who very much need huge and guaranteed Russian oil and gas supplies, extend low-interest loans and credits to Russia to fund construction of the needed pipelines, with the repayment of such loans and credits being guaranteed by future Russian supplies whilst the Russians offering NO EQUITY OR SHARE OWNERSHIP at all to the Chinese in exchange – Russia just guarantees repayment of the loans and credits by committing future oil and gas supplies to China. These are among the set of contracts and agreements signed yesterday on Mr. Xi’s first day of his visit to Russia – read cra1cra2cra3; watch video. And such agreements were even signed earlier before between the Russians and Chinese when the Russian State Companies, ROSNEFT & TRANSNEFT, secured a 25 billion US$ loan from China (15 Bln US$ for Rosneft and 10 Bln US$ for Transneft) to be paid in lieu of future energy supplies – read here & here. This same ROSNEFT recently managed to secure an analogous agreement with a number of global commodities’ trading houses and companies – GLENCORE & VITOL - agreements which netted ROSNEFT loans equal to 10 Billion US$ - read (in total, together with banks, Rosneft raised a whopping 67 billion US$!) – without Russia ceding any equity or share interests from its mineral resources to these foreign companies! Venezuela, too, succeeded in its own way to secure huge loans from China (vz8vz9) and Russia (read here, here & here) in exchange for guaranteed oil, gas, gold and other mineral supplies to both the two mentioned countries as well as offering them minority shares in its mineral resources – read Russia (read here, here, here & here), China (read - pay particular attention to the blue-shaded parts). 

I have brought the above examples of Russia’s relations with China, Venezuela with Russia and China in order to challenge the current Tanzanian government policy and approach to securing credits, loans and investments from both China and other countries in exchange for either fully (100%) or majority ceding the country’s minerals to these countries and/or their companies – THIS SHOULD NOT BE THE CASE and it should not be allowed to happen anymore! We can do better by restructuring the deals and turning the tables in a way as to succeed in this venture just like how Russia and Venezuela have succeeded in these avenues as explained above. As I’ve always been saying and writing, mineral resources including oil and gas deposits could do real wonders for the country (read), but only if our leadership and experts, especially those at the Ministry of Energy and Minerals will correctly and properly understand how these assets could be used and leveraged to economically and financially massively enrich the country, a situation I do not see, yet, in present-day Tanzania as the recent case of the Production Sharing Agreement (PSA) with Jacka Resources of Australia on our Ruhuhu Basin hydrocarbon reserves has proven (read), or on how our government has ceded majority, if not full ownership rights to foreigners on our southern Tanzania gas reserves estimated to value over 600 billion US$ -read  pay particular attention to the yellow-shaded part! By the way, as a side note to this information, may you be informed that the Cyprus gas reserves are estimated to be worth between 400-600 billion US$ (almost equal to our southern gas reserves in Tanzania) and it is these gas reserves Cyprus has been using as a trump card to negotiate for a bailout financial package especially from the Russians, turning the gas reserves into an arena of geopolitical wrangling and tug of war between the EU (and US), on one side, and Russia, on the other, as you may read in these articles here. So, the leadership in Tanzania should know that mineral resources including oil and gas reserves (and our iron ore and coal at Liganga and Mchuchuma, respectively) should not be offloaded blindly to foreigners, moreover, at the cheap, in fact, almost for nothing at all like what is now happening in Tanzania with our oil and gas reserves, uranium deposits, Tanzanite, iron ore and coal deposits etc as elucidated above.

So as to give you an even bigger picture of what our iron ore and coal deposits at Liganga and Mchuchuma, respectively, could do to our country vis-à-vis what Tanzania got from the Chinese in terms of loans, economic assistance and planned investments, mineral deposits which have been foolishly given, just handed over to the Chinese, let me bring you the following examples:

i.              The Songo Songo-Dar Gas Pipeline loan of 1 billion US$ (amounting to just a mere 1,8% of the value of the mineral assets) as well as the 3 billion US$ investment committed by China to investing in exploiting the deposits (equal to about 5,5% of the value of the mineral assets) – all adding upto about 7,3% of the value of the assets - or if we take a conservative estimate of the proven and recoverable reserves to be at least 50% only of the figure of 54,8 billion US$, i.e. 27,4 billion US$, then the percentage ratio of the Chinese investment of 1+3 billion US$ equals to a mere 14,6% of this sum, and remember, the Chinese won’t pay this sum from their own money, but they will collateralize our mineral assets to raise such funding, leaving them with a net wealth of 23,4 billion US$ {27,4 billion US$ minus 4 (i.e. 1+3) billion US$} at extreme conservative estimates as we have assumed that the recoverable reserves of our iron ore and coal deposits equal to just 50% of the declared figures in this article!

ii.             Now, with the 23,4 billion US$ in hand Tanzania has just given to China as a “present”, just pure charity, the Chinese come and tell us that now they will be also investing in building the Bagamoyo Port (read bgp1bgp2bgp3) and Special Economic Zone (estimated to cost 300 million US$ - read) and we also learn that Tanzania has asked for an additional loan from China of about 400 million US$ to build a coal-fired power plant in Mbeya (read) – all these expenses (so-called “investments” – in fact, to be funded from our own money, i.e. from our own iron ore and coal deposits) equal to a mere fraction of our 23,4 billion US$ we have foolishly given to the Chinese in the first place. You see, this is what I want our leaders to see and know when we talk with the Chinese, when President Kikwete meets President Xi tomorrow! It is NOT China which is giving money to Tanzania but  instead, it is Tanzania which is foolishly giving the Chinese it’s most precious and valuable mineral assets to enable that country raise the necessary funding or hedge its so-called funding and risks  (by several, even tens of factors) to Tanzania and NOT THE OTHER WAY ROUND. Russians and Venezuelans very well understood this and that is why they are able to reap huge benefits from Chinese financial largesse at NO EXPENSE AT ALL to their respective countries since all the money and associated risks the Chinese are giving these countries have been covered by the value of the mineral assets, oil and gas deposits which these countries will export to China! Why doesn’t Tanzania apply this approach vis-à-vis its mineral resources with foreign companies and countries in the same way the Russians, Venezuelan and other countries do? Why no such imagination, innovation and ingenuity from our economists and mineral experts? This is what I want President Kikwete to ask himself and have in mind when he talks to President Xi tomorrow or else we will continue having relations with the Chinese where they take all our valuable mineral and other natural resources assets for a song and in exchange give us magitaa, some small peanuts investments of 1+3billion US$, “funding” construction of Bagamoyo Port, “financing” construction of the Power Plant in Mbeya, building Primary Schools including the one at Msoga, Bagamoyo (read), conduct silly seminars for our party officials in China in which they are also taken to visit shoe factories, watch computer games and cartoon drawings etc – read and see ccmc1ccmc2 - while countries like Venezuela have managed to secure huge cheap loans and credits from both China and Russia, for example, in which the latter even built in Venezuela arms’ factories (read vz1, vz2, vz3), committed to build nuclear plant/s (while we have given our Mkuju River uranium just for free – read csc1csc2. Also read some of my  critical letters on this subject here & here), China has launched  space satellites for Venezuela (read) and both China and Russia (even Iran!) have built and are building tens of thousands of houses for the Venezuelan poor, the real and true owners of the oil and gas deposits, just like our own people in Mtwara and Lindi who recently demonstrated – read - and all this is paid up for from future oil and gas supplies and rights (minority ownership) to Venezuelan minerals!

Also please find herein below what I wrote yesterday, March 22nd, to Mr. Kester Klomegah on what Africa and Tanzania could gain in the military sphere with both the Chinese and Russians, if we will be able to leverage our mineral deposits cleverly, the same way, say, Venezuela, India, Vietnam, other countries, China itself vis-à-vis its military and defense relations with, including purchase of arms from Russia. I think it would be advisable for our government to learn from what I have written there and may be use such a strategy and tactic to negotiate with Mr. Xi for similar military, defense and arms’ purchase cooperation between our country and China. 

CONCLUSION

To conclude my letter, I would like to state that I DO STRONGLY SUPPORT the Chinese presence in our country and cooperation with that great nation, however, I would like the format and paradigm of our cooperation to change as explained above in order to be a truly WIN-WIN type of cooperation and not that one leading to a NET WEALTH TRANSFER from Tanzania to China as it now appears. This should stop and it is very important that our President understands this and raises this issue with President Xi when he meets him tomorrow.

Best regards,

Shaaban
Moscow, Russia



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