21 Sep 2014

Scotland
Kura ya kuamua hatma ya Uskochi kama ibaki kuwa sehemu ya United Kingdom au iwe nchi huru imekwisha, wak asilimia 55 ya wapigakura kusema HAPANA na 45 kusema NDIYO.Kwa matokeo hayo, muungano unaounda UK, wenye umri wa miaka 307 umesalimika.

Wakati nitaielezea kwa undani zaidi kura hiyo ya uhuru wa Uskochi katika makala yangu ya Jumatano ijayo ndani ya jarida la RAI MWEMA,katika post hii nitazungumzia kinachoanza kuonekana kama 'Uskochi kuingizwa mkenge' kufatia kuanza kuparaganyika kwa baadhi ya ahadi za msingi zilizopelekea ushindi wa kundi lililotaka Uskochi iendelee kuwa sehemu ya Muunganowa UK.

Mmoja wa wanasiasa wanaotajwa kama waliofanikisha kuunusuru Muunganowa UK ni Waziri Mkuu wa zamani, Gordon Brown, ambaye kama Waziri Mkuu wa sasa, David Cameron, kiongozi wa chama cha upinzani cha Labour Ed Milliband, Naibu Waziri Mkuu na kiongozi wa chama cha Liberal Democrats, Nick Clegg, na kiongozi wa 'kampeni ya Better Together' ya kuunga mkono muungano ambaye pia alikuwa 'Waziri wa Fedha' wa serikali ya Labour, Alistair Darling, kwa pamoja waliwaahidi wapigakura ya uhuru wa Uskochi kuwa wakikataa uhuru 'watazawadiwa' kwa nchi hiyo kupatiwa mamlaka zaidi ya kiutawala na kimaamuzi.

Mamlaka hizo zinafahamika kama 'Devo Max.'Kimsingi Devo Max, kifupisho cha Maximum Devolution,  inamaanisha Bunge la Uskochi kuwa na nguvu katika kila kitu ispokuwa ulinzi na mambo ya nje. Hata hivyo licha ya ahadi kuwa Uskochi itapatiwa mamlaka zaidi, uwezekano wa kupatia Devo Max kwa maana halisi ya nguvu zote kabisa zinazohitajiwa ni kama haupo.

Kwa sasa, na hadi wakati inapigwa kura ya uhuru au la, Uskochi imepewa mamlaka ya kujiamulia mambo yake yenyewe katika sekta za elimu, afya, huduma za jamii, makazi, utalii, mazingira, uvuvi, misitu, kilimo, sheria na usalama wa raia, na baadhi ya maeneo katika sekta ya usafiri. Kwa upande mwingine, serikali kuu ya Uingereza (Westminster) ina mamlaka katika sekta ya ulinzi, hifadhi ya jamii (social security), mafao kwa jamii (benefits)- kwa hapa Uingereza, watu wasio na kazi wanalipwa fedha ya kujikimu na kodi ya nyumba na serikali,gesi na mafuta, nishati ya nyuklia, uhamiaji, ajira, mawasiliano ya radio na runinga, biashara na viwanda sera za nje, masuala ya walaji (cunsumer affairs) na Katiba. 

Sasa kilichoahidiwa na Cameron na wenzake kushawishi Waskochi wakatae uhuru kuhusiana na Devo Max hakipo bayana sana. Miongoni ya yaliyomo kwenye ajenda ni Uskochi kuwa na mamlaka zaidi ya ukusanyaji kodi na mafao ya makazi kwa wasio na ajira. Suala la gesi na mafuta na kodi za mashirika (corporation tax) hayapo kabisa katika makubaliano hayo ambayo kimsingi bado hayajafikiwa.

Lakini hata kabla shamrashamra za kusherehekea kusalimika kwa Muungano wa UK hazijaisha, kizaazaa kimeibuka katika jinsi ya kutekeleza ahadi hiyo ya kutoa mamlaka zaidi kwa Uskochi. Kwa upande mmoja, ahadi hiyo iumevutia madai ya mamlaka zaidi kutoka Wales na Northern Ireland kama nchi ambazo pamoja na Uskochi na England zinaunda muunganowa UK. Kwa upande mwingine, baadhi ya 'mikoa' yenye wakazi wengi, kama vile Manchester, Yorkshire, Cornwall, nk nayo imeanza kudai kupatiwa mamlaka zaidi ya kiutawala.

Ttatizo kubwa zaidi lipo katika kupata mwafaka kati ya chama tawala Conservatives na wapinzani wao wa Labour. Ili Uskochi iweze kupatiwa mamlaka iliyoahidiwa, Bunge la Muungano huko Westminster litalazimika kufanya mabadiliko ya katiba. Hilo tu ni tatizo pia, kwani kwa mujibu wa taratibu za hapa UK, mabadiliko ya katiba ya nchi hii ni zoezi linalohitaji muda mrefu. Lakini muda haupo upande wa Serikali Kuu kwa vile kuna matarajio makubwa kutoka kwa Waskochi waliokataa uhuru.

Hata urasimu wa mabadiliko ya Katiba ukiwekwa kando, bado kuna tatizo linalowakabili Cameron na Conservatives wenzie na Milliband na Labour yake. Kwa Cameron, ile kuahidi tu kuwa ataipatia Uskochi mamlaka zaidi, wabunge wengi tu katika chama hicho nao wameanza kudai mamlaka zaidi kwa majimbo yao. Kwa Milliband, tatizo ni kubwa zaidi. Kwa sasa, chama cha Labour kina wabunge 49 kutoka Uskochi katika Bunge Kuu la Muungano, ambao pia wanapiga kura katika maamuzi yanayoihusu England pekee. Hii imerejesha kinachoitwa 'swali la Lothian ya Magharibi' (the West Lothian Question), yaani kuhoji kwanini wabunge kutoka Uskochi katika Bunge la Muungano waruhusiwe kupigia kura masuala yanayoihusu England pekee ilhali wabunge kutoka England hawana fursa hiyo. Hii inalingana na 'kilio' cha baadhi ya wanasiasa wa Tanzania Bara wanaodhani si sawia kwa wabunge kutoka Zanzibar katika Bunge la Muungano kuhusika katika maamuzi ya masuala yanayohusu Bara pekee ilhali hakuna mbunge wa Bara mwenye mamlaka kama hiyo katika Bunge la Zanzibar. Kama ilivyo huko nyumbani, hakuna mbunge wa England katika Bunge la Uskochi, kama ambavyo hakuna mbunge kutoka Bara katika Bunge la Zanzibar.

Wakati chama cha Labour kitaanza Mkutano wake Mkuu hapo kesho na ajenda kuu ya Milliband ilipangwa kuwa kuzungumzia taasisi muhimu ya huduma za afya (National Health Service-NHS) sasa anaweza kulazimika kuzungumzia uwezekano wa chama hicho kupunguziwa nguvu katika Bunge Kuu la Uingereza iwapo mpango wa kuwanyima malaka ya kimaamuzi wabunge kutoka Uskochi katika Bunge la Muungano utatekelezwa.

Na siku hiyohiyo ambapo Labour wanaanza mkutano wao mkuu, Cameron anatarajiwa kutoa hotuba kuhusu kinachoiwa 'kura za Waengland kwa sheria za England' (English votes for English laws), kwa maana ya kura zinazopigwa katika Bunge Kuu katika masuala yanayohusu England zipigwe na wabunge wa England pekee, na wale wa kutoka Uskochi wasiruhusiwe kupiga kura hizo.

Tayari Cameron ameanza kumlaumu Milliband kwa upinzani wake dhidi ya mpango huo, akidai kuwa kiongozi huyo wa Labour anaisaliti England. Kwa upande wake, Labour inamshutumu Cameron na chama chake kwa kile inachokiona kama jitihada za kupinguzia Labour nguvu katika Bunge la Muungano.

Mhanga wa 'mgogoro' huo ni Uskochi kwani pasi kufikiwa mwafaka kati ya vyama hivyo viwili, uwezekano wa Uskochi kutekelezewa ahadi ya kuongezewa mamlaka ya kiutawala sio tu utachukua muda mrefu bali pia unaweza kukwama kabisa.

Na Waziri Mkuu wa Uskochi, Alex Salmond, aliyetangaza kuachia ngazi mwezi Novemba tayari ameingilia kati suala hilo na kuwakumbusha Cameron na Milliband kwamba tofauti zao zitapelekea waliopiga kura ya kukataa uhuru wa Uskochi kujiona kama 'wameingizwa mkenge' kwa kupewa ahadi za hadaa.

Kwa mtizamo wangu ninadhani mwamuzi ni muda (time will tell) lakini kama nilivyosapoti kambi iliyotaka uhuru wa Uskochi, imani yangu kutoka kwa Cameron, Milliband na wanasiasa wengine wa Westminster ni ndogo. Na hoja hii ilijitokeza wakati wa kampeni za kampeni za uhuru ambao kuna waliohoji, kama tupo 'Better Together' hivi sasa, kwanini basi mambo hayaendi sawia-kwa maana ya wanasiasa wa Westminster kuahidi mengi lakini kutekeleza machache. Kadhalika, kwa kukataa uhuru wa Uskochi kwa ahadi kutoka kwa wanasiasa, Waskochi wanaweza kuwa wamerudi kulekule kwa kurejea hatma yao mikononi mwa wanasiasa, tofauti na suala zima la kura ya uhuru lilivyoendeshwa  kwa kiasi kikubwa na wananchi wenyewe kwa mustakabali wao





20 Sep 2014


Kwanza ninaomba kukiri bayana kuwa nimehuzunishwa na matokeo ya kura ya maoni kuhusu uhuru wa Uskochi. Hiyo inatokana na ukweli kwamba sio tu nilikuwa naunga mkono kambi ya 'Yes' iliyokuwa inataka uhuru wa taifa hili bali pia nilipiga kura ya 'Ndiyo.'

Lakini kwa vile uamuzi wa iwapo Uskochi iwe nchi huru au iendelee kubaki sehemu ya United Kingdom ulipaswa kuamuliwa kwa wingi wa kura-hata ingekuwa moja tu- sina budi kuafiki matokeo na kukubaliana na ukweli. Ukweli kwamba asilimia 55 ya wapiga kura wametaka Uskochi iendelee kuwa sehemu ya UK huku waliotaka uhuru wakiwa asilimia 45 inamaanisha wengi wa Waskochi wanataka iwe hivyo. Na ukweli unabaki kuwa ukweli hata kama ni mchungu.

Hata hivyo, wakati ninatambua umuhimu wa sie kama Watanzania kujifunza kuhusu kura hiyo ya uhuru wa Uskochi, binafsi ninaona kuna unafiki mkubwa katika suala hili zima la 'tujifunze kutoka Uskochi.' Naomba nieleweke. Ni vema tujifunze kutoka kwa hawa wenzetu kuhusu hatma ya Muungano wetu lakini ninadhani ni unafiki kuamua kuchagua jema moja na kupuuzi mema mengine lukuki ya kujifunza kutoka kwa hawa wenzetu.

Eneo la kwanza la unafiki huo ni katika suala la uraia pacha. Moja ya hoja kuu iliyouwa wazo la uraia pacha kwa Watanzania walio nje ya nchi hiyo ni dhana fyongo kwamba uraia pacha ni tishio kwa usalama wa Tanzania. Si wanasema 'tujifunze kutoka Uskochi'? Sasa kwa taarifa tu ni kwamba katika kupiga kura hiyo ya uhuru wa Uskochi, baadhi ya wakazi wa taifa hili ambao japo si wazaliwa wala raia wa hapa waliruhusiwa kupiga kura. Kila mkazi wa Uskochi ambaye anatoka nchi za Jumuiya ya Madola aliruhusiwa kupiga kura. Na mie- hata kama ningekuwa sina sababu nyingine zilizoniruhusu kupiga kura- ningeweza kupiga kura kwa kigezo cha kuzaliwa Tanzania ambayo ni mwanachama wa Jumuiya ya Madola.


Ni muhimu sana kutambua kuwa haki ya kupiga kura ni moja ya haki muhimu mno kwa mwananchi kwa sababu inachangia upatikanaji wa uongozi wa mahala husika, sambamba na ushiriki katika maamuzi yanayohusu mustakabali wa taifa husika, kama ilivyo kwa suala la kura ya uhuru wa Uskochi.

Je Waskochi ni wendawazimu kuruhusu hata watu wasio na urai wa nchi hii kupiga kura? Hapana. Wenzetu wanathamini na kutambua mchango wa kila mwenye uhusiano na nchi hii, iwe wa kuzaliwa, asili au makazi. 

Na je kwa Waskochi kuruhusu  wakazi wa nchi hii ambao sio wazaliwa wa hapa, au wasio na uraia wa hapa, kupiga kura imehatarisha usalama wake? 

Naomba ieleweke kuwa haki ya kupiga kura haimfanyi mhusika kupewa uraia wa hapa bali ni moja ya vitambulisho muhimu sana. Kwa mfano, daftari la wapiga kura ni moja ya nyenzo muhimu katika uchunguzi unaofanywa na taasisi za fedha (credit check) kabla ya kutoa mkopo au hata kufungua akaunti ya benki. Kimsingi, kuwemo kwenye daftari hilo kunampatia mkazi wa hapa haki flani ambazo japo si sawa na uraia zinamsaidia katika maeneo mbalimbali.

Oh yes, tujifunze kutoka taifa tajiri la Uskochi linalowaenzi wageni wasio raia wa taifa hili ilhali masikini sie tunawahofia Watanzania wenzetu ambao kwa sababu moja au nyingine wamelazimika kuchukua uraia wa nchi nyingine. Hapo kuna neno sahihi zaidi ya unafiki?

Twende katika maeneo mengine. Moja ya kumbukumbu muhimu kwenye runinga wakati matokeo ya kura hiyo yanatangazwa ni kuonekana kwa mkimbizi wa kisiasa kutoka Papua New Guinea, Benny Wanda, (pichani) akielezea anachojifunza kutoka kwa zoezi hilo la kidemokrasia 
Benny Wenda from West Papua, Indonesia

Wanda alikuja Uskochi kama mgeni wa kikundi kinachoitwa Radical Independence kujifunza jinsi kura ya maoni kuhusu uhuru inavyoandaliwa na kufanyika. Katika mahojiano yake na kituo cha televisheni cha BBC, kiongozi huyo alieleza jinsi alivyoguswa mno na jinsi uhuru ulivyokuwa ukitafutwa kwa uhuru mkubwa, akitolea mfano kutokuwepo kwa wanajeshi au polisi au vifaru mitaani tofauti na hali ilivyo nchi kwake wakati wa harakati za kudai uhuru kutoka Indonesia. Naam, tunasema tujiefunze kutoka Uskochi, lakini kimatendo ni kama picha hii hapa chini inavyoonyesha, na hapa sio katika harakati za wananchi kudai uhuru bali kutumia tu haki yao ya kikatiba kupinga uhuni unaofanywa dhidi ya upatikanaji wa Katiba mpya huko Dodoma 




Hebu tuache unafiki. Hivi kama hiyo haki 'kidogo' tu ya kuandamana kwa amani kwa minajili ya kutetea upatikanaji wa Katiba yenye maslahi kwa Watanzania wote, sambamba na kuokoa mabilioni ya fedha yanayotafunwa kwa Bunge 'feki' la Katiba huko Dodoma linazua haya, je tunaweza kukaribia japo kiduchu walipofika Waskochi kupiga kura kwa amani na utulivu kuhusu hatma ya nchi yao?

Na hata tukiweka kando hilo la matumizi makubwa ya nguvu za dola kunyamazisha sauti za wananchi, sambamba na kulazimisha matakwa ya watawala, bado kuna unafiki mwngi ne mwingi tu kama unavyotanabaishwa na picha zifuatazo


Picha hiyo juu inapigia mstari hoja yangu kuhusu unafiki. Naam, gazeti la serikali Daily News latoa rai kuwa tujifunze kutoka Uskochi, lakini picha iliyopo katika ukurasa huo inakinzana kabisa na hali ilivyo hapa Uskochi. Picha hiyo ni ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete akihutubia nchini Marekani ambapo amekwenda TENA kwa ziara ya WIKI MBI. Ni majuzi tu alikuwepo huko kwa siku kibao, lakini katika kuendeleza spirit ya 'safari ni safari' ameenda tena nchi humo.Ni hivi, ni nadra mno kusikia Waziri Mkuu wa Uskochi Alex Salmond akizurura huku na kule, au Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza David Cameron akiwa kiguu na jia hapa na pale, au hata Malkia Elizabeti kuwa msafiri wa kila kukicha. Na hawa ni viongozi wa taifa hili tajiri kabisa lakini sio wazururaji kama Rais wetu.

Ndio rais lazima asafiri lakini sio kila baada ya wiki kadhaa, tena kurejea sehemu zilezile alizokwishatembelea. Hivi tangu 2014 hii ianze Kikwete ameshakwenda Marekani mara ngapi? Ndio, tujifunze kutoka Uskochi kuhusu kura ya uhuru wao lakini pia tujifunze kuhusu umuhimu wa viongozi kama Kikwete kutambua kuwa Tanzania yetu ni maskini isiyoweza kubeba gharama zisizo za lazima za Rais wake kusafiri kila anapojiskia.

Natambua ukweli kuwa kutokana na umasikini wetu, kuna haja ya viongozi wetu kwenda nje kusaka misaada. Lakini ni nani asiyejua kuwa asilimia kubwa ya misaada hiyo inaishia kwenye akaunti za mafisadi? Kadhalika, busara kidogo tu inaweza kutufundisha kwamba safari hizo za mara kwa mara za Kikwete zinatafuna sehemu ya fedha zinazosakwa kama misaada kwa nchi yetu.


Katika gazeti hili hapo juu tunakutana tena na wito wa kujifunza kutoka kwa kura ya uhuru wa Uskochi, lakini chini yake kuna habari kwamba deni la taifa limepaa hadi kufikia shilingi TRILIONI 42, kwa tarakimu ni shilingi  42,000,000,000,000 Na wakati hali yetu ikiwa mbaya kiasi hicho, bado twashuhudia serikali yetu ikifanya matumizi ya kitajiri kwa mfano kuruhusu uhuni unaoendelea huko Dodoma kwa jina la Bunge la Katiba, huku Kikwete akiendlea na safari zake za uuvumbuzi wa dunia.


Na picha ya hapo juu inathibiths unafiki wa kauli ya 'tujifunze kutoka Uskochi.' Kwa kifupi, zoezi zima la hadi kufikia kupigwa kura ya maoni liliambatana na uwazi na haki kwa kiwango cha juu kabisa. Japo ajenda ya uhuru ilikuwa katika manifesto ya chama tawala hapa Uskochi cha SNP, suala la uhuru lilibaki kuwa mikononi mwa Waskochi wote. Sasa kama mnavyoona hapo kwenye picha, kichwa kikuu cha habari kinahusu mwanasiasa wa upinzani Lema kupigwa marufuku na wafuasi wake kuandamana. Hivi haiwezekani wakaruhusiwa kuandamana huku wakisindikizwa na polisi? Na uzoefu umeonyesha kuwa mara nyingi polisi wakiridhia, maandamano hufanyika na kumalizika kwa amani. Mara nyingi pia, uamuzi wa polisi kulazimisha wananchi wasiandamane hupelekea vurugu na maafa yasiyo ya lazima


Pichani juu ni maandamano ya wanauonga mkono Uskochi kubaki sehemu ya UK, yaliyofanyika jana jioni hapa Glasgow, na polisi walikuwepo kwa minajili ya kuhakikisha hakuna uvunjifu wa amani lakini sio kuyazuwia maandamano hayo.

Nimalizie makala hii ndefu kidogo kwa kutilia mkazo kuwa tuna mengi ya kujifunza kutoka Uskochi na sio suala hilo la kura ya maoni pekee. Wanasiasa wa Uskochi na pengine Uingereza kwa ujumla wametoa darasa zuri kwa wababaishaji wetu huko nyumbani ambao licha ya kuwalipa mamilioni ya shilingi kwa mwezi kama mishahara na posho lakini tunachoishia kushuhudia ni matusi, vijembe, malumbano na upuuzi mwingine kwenye vikao vya Bunge la kawaida na hili la Katiba.

Ndiyo, umoja ni nguvu, na kura ya maoni ya uhuru wa Uskochi kumalizika kwa nchi hiyo kubaki sehemu ya United Kingdom kunatukumbusha sie wana-Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar juu ya umuhimu wa mshikamano lakini ni muhimu kutambua kuwa mazingira waliyopitia Waskochi kufikia hapa yameletwa heshima na utambuzi wa haki za kibinadamu, kidemokrasia sambamba na kuangalia mustakabali wa nchi hii sio kwa leo na kesho tu bali pia miaka mingi ijayo.





19 Sep 2014

Alex Salmond
Waziri Mkuu wa Uskochi Alex Salmond amejiuzulu wadhifa huo kufuatia kushindwa kwa kura ya maoni ya 'uhuru wa Uskochi.'

Salmond, mwanasiasa machachari, ameeleza kuwa ataondoka madarakani rasmi mwezi Novemba. Alieleza kuwa amemwandikia barua Katibu Mkuu wa chama anachokiongoza cha Scottish National Party (SNP) kuwa hatogombea uongozi.

"Baada ya kura ya uongozi ndani ya SNP hapo Novemba, nitaondoka madarakani kama Waziri Mkuu ili kuruhusu kiongozi atakayechaguliwa katika mkutano huo kuchukua wadhifa huo kwa mujibu wa kanuni za Bunge."

Alipoulizwa na mwandishi wa Shirika la Utangazaji wa Uingereza (BBC) kwa atafanya shughuli gani baada ya kung'atuka Uwaziri Mkuu, ikizingatiwa kuwa 'unri haujamtupa mkono,' Salmond alitanabaisha kuwa ataendelea kujihusisha na shughuli za siasa. "Sintojitoa moja kwa moja katika siasa." Alisema kuwa anaweza kushiriki chaguzi zijazo kwa minajili ya kuwa mwanasiasa wa kawaida. "Huhitaji kuwa kiongozi wa SNP au Waziri Mkuu ili uweze kushiriki katika siasa."

Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza 'nzima' David Cameron alimpongeza Salmond, na kumwelezea kama mwanasiasa nguli, hata kama walitofautiana kimsimamo kuhusu Muungano wa Uingereza."

CHANZO: Habari hii imetafsiriwa kutoka vyanzo mbalimbali mtandaoni

ALHAMISI, Septemba 18, 2014, mamilioni ya Waskochi watapiga kura ya kuamua hatma ya taifa lao, aidha liwe taifa huru au liendelee kuwa ndani ya ‘Muungano wa Falme ya Uingereza.’
Pengine kabla ya kuelezea kwa undani kuhusu kura hiyo, ni muhimu kutoa ufafanuzi kuhusu nchi hii ambayo kwa wengi inaitwa tu Uingereza japo ina ‘mkanganyiko’ fulani katika majina yake halisi kwa Kiingereza. Jina halisi la nchi hii kama ilivyo sasa ni the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Hivyo ndivyo ilivyo kwenye hati za kusafiria za nchi hii.
Great Britain ni muungano wa mataifa matatu: England ambayo mji mkuu wake ni London, Wales ambayo mji mkuu wake ni Cardiff na Scotland ambayo mji mkuu wake ni Edinburgh (ambao Baba wa Taifa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere alipata elimu yake ya chuo kikuu). Ukiunganisha Great Britain na Ireland ya Kaskazini (ambayo mji mkuu wake ni Belfast), ndio tunapata kitu kiitwacho The United Kingdom (of Great Britain and Northern Ireland) au kwa kifupi UK.
Ni muhimu kubainisha pia kwamba ‘kuna Ireland mbili,’ Ireland ya Kaskazini ambayo ni sehemu ya United Kingdom, na Jamhuri ya Ireland (Republic of Ireland), yenye mji mkuu wake Dublin, ambayo ni taifa linalojitegemea na sio sehemu ya UK.
Baada ya ufafanuzi huo, turejee kwenye ‘kura ya uhuru’ Alhamisi. Baada ya kipindi kirefu cha majadiliano na makubaliano, hatimaye wakazi wa Uskochi watapiga kura yenye jibu la ‘ndio’ au ‘hapana’ kwa swali ‘Je, unataka Uskochi kuwa nchi huru?’
Hadi wakati ninaandika makala hii kura za maoni zinaashiria mchuano mkali kabisa, ambapo moja ya kura hizo ilionyesha ‘wanaotaka uhuru’ (kambi inayojulikana kama ‘Yes’ inayoongozwa na Waziri Mkuu- hapa anaitwa First Minister- Alex Salmond, na chama chake cha Scottish Nationalist Party-SNP) inaongoza kwa tofauti ya pointi nane dhidi ya kambi ya ‘No’ ya wanaotaka Uskochi iendelee kuwa sehemu ya UK, inayoongozwa na ‘Waziri wa Fedha’ (Chancellor of the Exchequer) wa zamani, Alistair Darling. Hata hivyo, kura nyingine ya maoni inaonyesha kambi ya No inaongoza kwa idadi hiyo hiyo ya pointi.
Binafsi nitakuwa miongoni mwa wapiga kura hao. Na pengine suala hili linapaswa kuwasuta wanasiasa wetu walioamua kwa makusudi kuwanyima Watanzania wenzao kadhaa haki ya uraia, kwa kukataa suala la uraia pacha. Ni hivi, kwa hapa, haki ya kupiga kura inawapa haki raia wa nchi za Jumuiya ya Madola, ikiwemo Tanzania, kupiga kura. Kwa hiyo, pamoja na ‘sababu nyingine,’ kinachonipa haki ya kupiga kura hiyo ni asili yangu kama Mtanzania, nchi iliyowahi kuwa koloni la Uingereza.
Japo ningetamani sana kubashiri matokeo ya kura hiyo ya kesho, matukio kadhaa ya hivi karibuni yananifanya nishindwe kufanya hivyo. Awali, kwa uelewa wangu wa stadi za siasa na chaguzi, nilitarajia matokeo kuwa ‘Uskochi kuendelea kubaki sehemu ya UK,’ wazo lililopewa nguvu na kura mbalimbali za maoni hadi wiki chache zilizopita.
Na pengine mtizamo huo, ambao wachambuzi wengi wa siasa walikuwa nao pia, ulichangia viongozi wa vyama vikuu vya siasa hapa Uingereza, wanaounga mkono Uskochi kuendelea kuwa sehemu ya UK, chama tawala cha Conservative na washiriki wake wa Liberal Democrats na chama cha upinzani cha Labour, wasihangaike kuhamasisha kura ya ‘hapana.’ Hata hivyo, wiki iliyopita ilishuhudia ujio wa Waziri Mkuu David Cameron (akiwakilisha Conservatives), Naibu Waziri Mkuu Nick Clegg (akiwakilisha Liberal Democrats) na Ed Milliband (kiongozi wa Labour) hapa Uskochi kupiga kampeni dhidi ya kura ya ‘ndiyo.’
Ujio huo ulichangiwa zaidi na kura ya maoni ya taasisi ya kura za maoni inayoheshimika hapa Uingereza, ya YouGov, iliyoonyesha kambi ya ‘Ndiyo’ ikiwa mbele kwa asilimia 51 na kambi ya ‘hapana’ ikiwa na asilimia 49. Hiyo ilikuwa ni mara ya kwanza kabisa kwa kambi ya ‘ndiyo’ kuongoza katika kura za maoni. Na pengine kuashiria kuwa uwezekano wa ‘uhuru wa Uskochi’ si suala la kufikirika tu bali linawezekana, asilimia hiyo 51 katika kura za maoni ilikuwa imepanda kwa takriban asilimia 30 ndani ya mwezi mmoja.
Ningependa kutumia nafasi hii kukiri kwamba kamwe sijawahi kushuhudia siasa ikifanya kazi kama ilivyo sasa tunapoelekea kwenye ‘siku ya hukumu’ hapo kesho (Alhamisi). Wenyewe wanasema ‘siasa imerejea kwenye siku zake za nyuma’ au kwa kimombo ‘old school politics.’ Wanasiasa wameonekana mitaani wakijumuika na wanaounga mkono au kupinga ‘uhuru wa Uskochi,’ huku mijadala mbalimbali ikifanyika katika hali unayoweza tu kulinganisha na mijadala ya maisha yetu ya kila siku, ila kwa umuhimu mkubwa kabisa.
Japo nina furaha ya kuwa miongoni mwa watakaopiga kura kuamua hatma ya taifa hili, ninajisikia uchungu kuona hali ikiwa tofauti kabisa huko nyumbani, ambapo sasa tunashuhudia Mwenyekiti wa Bunge la Katiba, Samuel Sitta, akitumia ubabe dhidi ya ushauri wa Rais Jakaya Kikwete na Kituo cha Demokrasia Tanzania kuwa mchakato wa kupata Katiba mpya usogezwe mbele. Sitta ameziba kabisa masikio yake dhidi ya kelele kutoka kila kona kuwa Bunge la Katiba lisitishwe na taifa lijipe muda kujipanga vizuri kushughulikia suala hilo muhimu kwa mustakabali wa taifa letu.
Ndiyo, pengine Sitta anataka kuchapa kazi kwa kinachoitwa ‘kasi na viwango,’ lakini japo kasi kwa mwendesha gari la mashindano ya Formula One ni mkakati mzuri wa ushindi, kwa barabara za mtaani ni sawa na kuikaribisha ajali. Kichwani mwangu ni kama namsikia Sitta akijigamba siku moja, ‘mie ni mtu wa viwango na kasi, na mmeshuhudia wenyewe jinsi nilivyoweza kuhakikisha Bunge la Katiba linakamilisha kazi yake ndani ya muda tuliojipangia.’ Japo ninashindwa kutabiri matokeo ya kura ya kesho, sipati tabu kubashiri kuwa ‘kiburi cha Sitta’ sio tu kitaharibu mchakato mzima wa kupata Katiba mpya bali pia chaweza kuwa ndio anguko lake kisiasa.
Nikiangalia jinsi ajenda ya ‘uhuru wa Uskochi’ ilivyoanza hadi kufikia leo siku moja kabla ya kupiga kura, nadhani sitaonekana mtu wa ajabu nikiyumkinisha kuwa ‘kuna kitu fulani walichojaaliwa hawa wenzetu lakini sisi tumenyimwa...au tumejinyima.’ Nikisikiliza hoja za kambi zote mbili- wanaotaka uhuru na wanaopinga- mkazo unawekwa zaidi kuhusu hatma ya taifa hili (Uskochi au UK kwa ujumla) na vizazi vijavyo. Kwa kiasi kikubwa, japo kura zitapigwa kesho, lakini mtizamo wa wengi ni wa muda mrefu kabisa.
Ningetamani sana Sitta asome makala hii na ajifunze jinsi mwafaka wa kitaifa unavyopatikana kwa njia za demokrasia halisi, kwa maana ya wanaotaka uhuru wa Uskochi na wanaopinga kujadiliana kistaarabu na hatimaye kupewa fursa ya kuhitimisha mjadala huo kwa sanduku la kura. Mchakato huu umechukua muda mrefu, japo si kwa gharama kubwa kulinganisha na ‘vurugu-mechi’ yetu ya kusaka Katiba mpya.
Na japo hoja ya ‘uhuru wa Uskochi’ imekuwa ajenda ya muda mrefu ya chama cha SNP, kampeni ya ‘kudai uhuru’ imeendeshwa kwa utaifa badala ya itikadi za kichama. Na wengi wanaounga mkono suala hilo wametamka bayana kuwa wanafanya hivyo kwa mustakabali wa Uskochi na sio kuiunga mkono SNP. Kadhalika, wanaopinga suala la ‘uhuru’ wamekuwa wakieleza bayana kwamba hawafanyi hivyo kwa minajili ya kuviunga mkono vyama vya Conservatives, Labour au Liberal Democrats.
Baadhi ya wachambuzi wa siasa wanadai kuwa hata kama kambi ya ‘hapana’ itashinda na Uskochi kuendelea kuwa sehemu ya UK, wazo la kudai uhuru halitokufa, huku baadhi wakitabiri kuwa Uskochi inaweza kuwa huru ndani ya miaka 10 ijayo. Sababu ni nyingi lakini kubwa zaidi ni utawala wa chama cha kihafidhina cha Conservatives ambao sera zake zimeonekana kuwachukiza Waingereza wengi.
Lakini kama ilivyo huko nyumbani ambapo kila Rais baada ya Mwalimu Julius Nyerere anahofia kuvunjikiwa na Muungano wetu wakati wa utawala wake- kinachoitwa ‘kuogopa mzimu wa Nyerere’- kwa hapa pia mtihani unaomkabili Waziri Mkuu Cameron ni kutoingia katika historia kama mtu aliyeongoza Uingereza na kushuhudia Uskochi ikijitenga.
Laiti Uskochi ikipata uhuru wake, kuna dalili kuwa ‘moto’ huo ukasambaa sehemu nyinginezo duniani, ambapo tayari kumesikika ‘kelele kama hizo’ huko Hispania na kwingineko. Lakini pengine la muhimu zaidi kwa hatma ya Muungano wetu ni ukweli kwamba Uskochi ni makazi ya Wazanzibari wengi (na kwa ufahamu wangu wengi wao kesho watapiga kura ya ‘ndiyo’ kama ilivyo kwa wapiga kura wengine wengi wenye asili ya nje ya Uskochi). Je, kwa kuona ‘mchango wao’ katika kupatikana uhuru wa Uskochi hawawezi kuhamasika kuchochea Wazanzibari wenzao huko Zanzibar kuhusu ‘uhuru wa nchi yao’?
Nimalizie makala hii kwa kukiri kwamba nina msisimko kama ilivyo kwa Waskochi wengine kuhusu siku ya kesho na umuhimu wake kwa hatma ya taifa hili ambalo kwangu limekuwa ‘nyumbani mbali na nyumbani’ (home away from home) kwa zaidi ya miaka 12 sasa. Yawezekana makala hii ikawa ya mwisho kuiandika nikiwa katika Uskochi iliyo sehemu ya UK. Lakini kubwa zaidi ni kupata fursa adimu ya kushuhudia historia ikijiandika- iwe kwa Uskochi kujitenga au kubaki sehemu ya UK. Na kubwa zaidi kama mwana-stadi za siasa, ni kushuhudia jinsi siasa inayofanya kazi katika hali ambayo nimekuwa nikiisoma vitabuni tu.
Japo kura ni siri, kesho nitapiga kura ya 'ndiyo’ ili Uskochi iwe nchi huru, hasa kutokana na imani yangu kwamba ina uwezo na sababu za kuwa huru. Kwa hiyo basi, nihitimishe kwa kusema kwa ki-Skochi ‘AYE FOR ALBA’ yaani ‘Yes for Scotland’ au ‘Ndiyo kwa (uhuru wa) Uskochi’

16 Sep 2014

“Should Scotland be an independent country?” That is the question Scots will be asked when they go to the polls on September 18th. The outcome of the vote will have a significant impact on the future of Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom. More interestingly, this referendum is being closely watched in a seemingly unlikely corner of the world: the Zanzibar archipelagos in East Africa.
Zanzibar is a semi-autonomous region of Tanzania. The islands are famous as a tourist destination, boasting beautiful white sandy beaches and narrow streets of Stone Town.  Scottish explorer, David Livingstone, began and ended many of his journeys in Zanzibar. For hundreds of years, the islands have served as the center of Kiswahili culture and remain proud of their past glory as the epicenter of trade and wealth in East and Central Africa, with links to the Middle East and Asia that go as far back as 7th century.
More recently, the islands have been a hotbed of political tension with roots emerging from 1950s rivalries between nationalist movements, mainly Africans and Arabs, during the struggle for independence from Britain. The rivalry led to a violent revolution in January 1964 carried out by Africans against Arabs, killing many and forcing others to flee the islands. Few months later in April 1964, the islands formed a union with the then Republic of Tanganyika to form one sovereign United Republic of Tanzania. Under the arrangement, Zanzibar was allowed to retain a small degree of autonomy under its own island government dealing with local affairs, while major issues such as foreign affairs, defense, immigration and currency were placed under the Union government. This “two tier” union structure was conceived in order to ensure that Zanzibar won’t get “swallowed” by its much larger partner, and so Tanganyika (nowadays referred to as Mainland Tanzania) won’t bare the substantial burden of running both the Tanganyika government and the Union government.
Historical specificities aside, the structure of the Union of Tanzania is quite similar to that of the United Kingdom. England’s government ceased to exist in 1707 when it merged with Scotland to form the UK; much the same way Tanganyika ceased to exist after the Union with Zanzibar to form Tanzania. England does not have its own government, with her affairs being managed within the UK’s central government; much the same way Mainland Tanzania’s local affairs are managed within the Union government. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland enjoy devolved powers from the central government the same way Zanzibar does. Whether or not Julius Nyerere, co-founder of the Union of Tanzania (who incidentally studied British History and Constitutional Law at University of Edinburgh), was inspired by the structure of union he saw in Scotland and decided to adopt it back home, is debatable.
While the UK was born out of conquests and suppression of Scottish language, religion and culture for many years, Tanzania was born out of Pan-African ideas and the African independence movement. The calculated need for self-preservation within the unstable new regime in Zanzibar after the revolution also played a role in bringing about, and later on, preserving the Union. Global geopolitical concerns which were heightened by the Cold War simultaneously accelerated the formation of the Union. There is also strong suggestions of the CIA nudging the formation of the Union to prevent Zanzibar from becoming a communist heaven.
Despite tensions and discontents from both sides, the Union has survived for 50 years, with the Mainland providing much needed stability to the islands. Constant demands for larger autonomy for Zanzibar, and periodic calls for full secession from the Union, have come up throughout the life of the union. Today, many political observers admit to a resurgent and united “Zanzibari Nationalism” that has united elements of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi  (CCM) in Zanzibar with the opposition Civic Union Front party.
In the same way there is an undercurrent of resentment by the Scottish towards the English and vice versa, there is similar degree of resentment, although not deep seated, between Zanzibaris and Mainlanders. For the most part, people from both sides of Tanzania do intermarry, do resettle and trade among each other as they have done for generations without any problems.
Zanzibari nationalists lament the gradual increase by the union government of the so-called “Union Matters” from the initial 11 to the current 22 issues, which further erodes the little sovereignty they had. They want the Union government to remove the “Tanganyika jacket” by creating a separate entity to run Mainland affairs. On the other hand, there have been persistent demands by some mainlanders for the restoration of Tanganyika government because they feel they have been carrying most of the weight in servicing the Union compared to Zanzibaris.
The referendum in Scotland is a significant event for states that want to secede.  There is a sense that an independent Scotland could indeed set a precedent or provide inspiration for entities like Zanzibar. According to a Tanzanian diplomat in London, “both sides of the divide in Zanzibar are following the debate in Scotland and are awaiting the outcome of the referendum with apprehension.” Each side will be able to use the arguments and outcome to advance or vindicate their position. While there are no known formal links between the two “separatist” movements,Rachel Hamada, a non-partisan journalist who has spent the last decade between Scotland and Zanzibar, says she is aware of many Zanzibaris who support secession “who have been observing events in Scotland with great interest. If Scotland does go its own way, undoubtedly pro-separation campaigners from Zanzibar will want to investigate the path to such a vote.”
Tanzania’s ruling CCM have resisted calls for a special referendum on the structure of the union. There’s also the question of who deserves to be asked to vote in such a referendum: Zanzibaris only (population of 1.3 million), mainlanders only (population of 43 million) or both? 3 years ago they agreed to rewrite the entire Union Constitution that will be followed by a referendum to adopt it. The commission that drafted the new constitution presented a “three-tier” structure, which CCM as a majority block in the Constituent Assembly objected to. This led to a walkout this past April by the opposition. Last week, the constitutional process officially stalled, and efforts are currently underway to find ways to resume it after next year’s general elections. The plan was hinted earlier in July by Mr. January Makamba, a pro-Union and reformist politician from CCM, when he said, “If there is a need to postpone the current constitutional process, let us do it so that we get a better constitution which has the consensus from all sides. Since the structure of the union is a highly contentious issue, it should be sent back to the people to decide via a referendum before the constitutional process resumes after the 2015 general election.”
Supporters of three-tier government structure in Tanzania argue the ruling party CCM is using fear-mongering to claim that the three-tier structure as proposed in the draft constitution will lead to the break-up of the Union. CCM believes the proposed structure would leave the Union government weak and dependent because it will be stripped-off its economic power base. They are in favor of more devolution of powers within the current two-tier structure, but they are yet to present specific proposals. Similar accusations of fear-mongering has been leveled towards the “No” campaign in Scotland (known as “Better Together”), with observation that their public messaging on behalf of the UK has been poor, lacking best content creativity and social media savviness needed to convince the public. The same can be said with pro-union Tanzanians, who for many years have been slow to react to the arguments presented by Zanzibaris, to the extent the latter have been able to create a dominant narrative.
Generally, pro-union factions in both Scotland and Zanzibar have been portrayed by their local opponents as “stubborn conservatives” who are unwilling to change and insist on unworkable structures that won’t preserve the unions for long-term. There is a strong feeling in Zanzibar that pro-union supporters are mostly political elites in the current Union government and ruling party CCM. According to Evarist Chahali, a Tanzanian journalist and columnist living in Glasgow, a similar perception has frequently been heard among the pro-Scotland independence supporters that, “the whole ‘Better Together’ thing is about preserving the status quo for some Scottish politicians at Westminster.” The feeling in both “separatist” movements is that despite a good degree of political devolution and autonomy, they are each subjected to a union ruling class which doesn’t understand or care about their local issues. This partly explains why the rest of UK is run by parties that have been rejected in Scotland. Conversely, the opposition CUF is stronger in Zanzibar compared to mainland Tanzania where its support declined in the last elections.
Interestingly, Scotland is said to be home to a substantial number of Zanzibaris who went there to seek asylum after the 2001 post-election violence at home. These foreign born asylum seekers and refugees from Commonwealth countries like Tanzania are eligible to vote in the referendum, and will form one of the strongest polling block for the “Yes Scotland” independence camp. These exiled Zanzibaris are known to be opposition supporters and generally are against the Union. However, it remains to be seen whether their role in helping Scotland secure its independence could translate into encouraging the same to happen in their homeland.
Despite the recent drop in numbers of undecided voters, it’s still hard to predict the outcome of the Scottish referendum. For a while, most polls suggested that the “Better Together” camp would prevail, but recent the polls have been tightening, meaning the outcome could go either way. If the results are for “Yes Scotland”, there will be a long period of negotiation on the terms of separation, involving issues such as the division of the national debt, the division of oil revenue, Scotland’s membership of the EU, her retention of the Queen as head of state and continual usage of the Pound Sterling, as well as terms of any future bailouts from UK. All will be hard fought, as journalist Rachel Hamada adds: “Even with devolution in the late nineties, which had widespread political support, the negotiations were fierce, so we can expect they would be ferocious this time round”. The divorce will be long and bitter, and Tanzanians should expect the same should a similar situation happen to them. Analysts agree that if “No” vote wins, it will be because the “Yes” vote for independence did not make a compelling and reassuring case to provide a knockout punch to convince the Scottish that they will be better off independent. Either way, most observers agree that the result will be close and thus there will be consequence. UK will have to consider measures to give Scotland greater powers. The Union could prevail due to the simple fact that it is the devil the Scottish people know.
The whole of UK is an island with Scotland as part of it, while Zanzibar is an island disconnected from her partner in the mainland. Yet, an important common denominator between Scotland and Zanzibar is oil resources. Although Scotland has a finite supply of oil in the North Sea, the “Yes Scotland” campaign has based much of their argument on the ability of this resource to sustain and propel an independent Scotland. Zanzibar is yet to discover oil near its Indian Ocean waters, but has campaigned hard to remove oil and gas from Union Matters so that they can manage the resource locally. The Union government quietly agreed, and last year Zanzibar signed an agreement with Shell to do exploration in their waters. “There is a perception that potential for oil in the islands boosted the desire for the Zanzibaris to go solo,” observes Chahali. Many opposition supporters in Zanzibar believe that oil will transform the islands to their past glory, and they add this argument alongside the restoration of national pride and the need for greater links with the Islamic world as key arguments for full autonomy.
Perhaps the main lesson to Tanzania has been how ‘civilized’ the Scottish referendum process has been so far. While emotions on both sides have been running high, there have been very few incidences of violence or threats to derail the process. Once UK government approved the referendum, it made it clear that they would honor whatever outcome from the vote. Party politics have been kept at bay, with “Better Together” campaign being led by Alistair Darling, a Labour politician who is campaigning on behalf of the UK government led by the Conservative Party. On the other hand, the “Yes Scotland” camp led by First Minister Alex Salmond has tried to make the issue of independence that of the Scottish people rather than his Scottish Nationalist Party.
Many agree that the way forward for Tanzania is for more devolution or greater identity and autonomy for Zanzibar, with Union retaining big issues such as defense and economy. The Union President Jakaya Kikwete admits to long-running political “fault lines” in Zanzibar which necessitated a power sharing agreement in 2010 between the two major parties in the isles. But Kikwete recently played down any notion of a strong “separatist movement” in Zanzibar, saying it wasn’t a big issue that needed to be blown out of proportion. He believes it can be contained: “We will always be able to manage them and I don’t think they will be able to wreck the country,” he assured. However, many observers believe it was partly due to such fears of secession that compelled the President to see the wisdom of initiating a rewrite of the Union Constitution in order to preempt violent demands for more autonomy in Zanzibar and to guarantee survival of the Union “for the next 50 years”. Tanzania and the Cameroon, remain the two longest surviving and most successful unions in modern day Africa after the collapse of Ghana-Guinea Union, the Senegambia and United Arab Republic (UAR). No other examples remain of independent Africa countries that decided on own volition to unite.

15 Sep 2014

By Masembe Tambwe

THOUGH still low, technology and communication experts in the country are seeing signs of increased cyber crimes like bullying, harassing and stalking if the use of the internet is not controlled.
Speaking exclusively to the 'Sunday News,' the Head of Corporate Communications at the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA), Mr Innocent Mungy, said that whilst there are many crimes using the internet as a platform, incidents of cyber bullying are still very small.
 
"Due to ignorance, a lot of people today think when they have been swindled online through various social media, they have been cyber bullied but this isn't so.
 
There are certain elements that qualify as bullying and evidence shows the levels are still small but will increase with time," he said. Stopcyberbullying.org website defines cyber bullying as when a child, preteen or teen is tormented, threatened, harassed, humiliated, embarrassed or otherwise targeted by another child, preteen or teen using the internet, interactive and digital technologies or mobile phones.
 
It has to have a minor on both sides or at least have been instigated by a minor against another minor. Once adults become involved, it is plain and simple cyber-harassment or cyber stalking.
 
Adult cyber-harassment or cyber stalking is never called cyber bullying. In a recent incident that left a young lady dead and that created quite a stir in many social media networks, many users christened the incident as 'cyber bullying' calling various authorities to take action.
 
Mr Mungy said that there was no law in the country that is specific to cyber bullying because the law is universal and that irrespective of where a person is insulted or degraded, whether on the sidewalk or online, it is against the law and therefore punishable.
 
"Whilst cyber bullying is seen to be at a minimal, cyber stalking and harassment is something we are increasingly seeing on social media, cases of cyber bullying can be sought at the cyber crime unit of the police," he said.
 
According to Domestic Violence Resource Centre Victoria website, cyber harassment is not just about being teased - it's repeated behaviour that is designed to humiliate, control or scare the person being targeted and is not legal or alright, while if someone keeps contacting you on Facebook or any kind of online site and it's making you scared and upset, it sounds like you're being stalked.
 
Mr Mungy said that as a country, Tanzania has leapfrogged technology and that technology advancement and development is catching up with us instead of the other way round.
 
"The challenge to stop these crimes starts with us and the media; they have to play a part in this. At the moment it is not a catastrophe because only between 17 and 20 per cent are internet users mostly aged between 18 and 25 and these are abusers," he said.
 
He cautioned users to be careful who they befriend online because one can't guarantee identity. Online, he noted, there are predators, bad people, thieves, prostitutes, con artists who use it as a platform to do what they would have done physically. "Our online presence affects our being, meaning that our character profile.
If you upload inappropriate pictures, people will harass you and later you will come to claim that you were bullied yet you caused it, let's be smart, use communication for good, it's good to make friends online because having an enemy online can be your enemy physically," he advised.
 
A cyber crime expert, Mr Sebastian Marondo, said that one advantage cyber bullies have is that they can operate under the anonymity of not being able to be seen.
 
"Cyber bullying unlike ordinary bullying is a practice that's difficult to control given the fact that it relies on the internet and like other forms of technology that require communication or sending files.
The government is supposed to enact laws protecting internet users, mobile phone subscribers from fraudsters, stalkers and in general unwelcomed callers," he urged.
 
He called on mobile phone companies to create platforms for reporting and penalising callers who misbehave in mobile communication. For instance, telecom companies can block numbers that have been identified as abusive to others.
 
The Dar Teknohama Business Incubator Chief Executive Officer, Eng. George Mulamula, told this paper that schools can be very effective brokers in working with parents to stop and remedy cyber bullying as well as educate students on cyber ethics and laws.
 
Eng. Mulamula commended TCRA for doing a good job in trying to educate the public on the correct use of digital communication technologies and have even gone on road shows around the country, educating users on best practices on the use of cell phones and the internet.
 
"Parents can help stop cyber bullying. You can start by talking to kids about the issue and teaching them the rules that will help prevent cyber bullying from happening to them or someone they know," he advised.
 
During the first ever cyber crime conference in Dar es Salaam earlier this year, the government said it is planning to enact three laws on data, internet business and cyber crime in a bid to eradicate cyber crime in the country.
 
SOURCE: Daily News

14 Sep 2014

Taarifa zilizopatikana hivi punde zinaeleza kwamba kikundi cha kigaidi cha Dola ya Kiislamu (ISIS) kimemchinja kwa kumkata kichwa, David Haines, Mwingereza mfanyakazi wa shirika la misaada, kwa mujibu wa video iliyosambazwa na kikundi hicho.

Video ya mauaji hayo ya kinyama inaanza kwa kuonyesha hotuba ya Waziri Mkuu wa Uingereza David Cameron kuhusu Iraki, ikifuatiwa na ujumbe kwa washirika wa Marekani dhidi ya kikundi hicho, na inahitimishwa kwa tukio la kuogofya la kukatwa kichwa kwa Davidi ambaye ni Mskochi.

Tukio hilo limetokea na kurekodia katikati ya jangwa. Baada ya hotuba ya Cameron, mtu aliyejifunga kitambaa kuficha uso huku ameshikilia kisu anaonekana amesimama mbele ya David ambaye amepiga magoti, na kuamriwa kusoma 'hotuba ya mwisho.'

Katika hotuba hiyo fupi, Mwingereza huyo anasema, namnukuu, "Ninapenda kubainisha kuwa ninakulaumu Davdi Cameron kwa kuuawa kwangu.Umeingia kwa hiari katika ushirika na Marekani dhidi ya Dola ya Kiislam, kama alivyofanya mtangulizi wako Tony Blair."

Taarifa kamili ya David ni hii

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Baada ya kusoma taarifa hiyo, Davidi anakatwa kichwa kisha Mwingereza mwingine, Alan Henning anaonyeshwa akitishiwa maisha. Mtu aliyefanya uchinjaji huo anaonekana kuwa ni yuleyule aliyewachinja watu wengine wawili kabla ya tukio hili la leo. Kadhalika, anasikika akitoa onyo, namnukuu, "Iwapo wewe Cameron utaendelea kupambana na Dola ya Kiislam, basi wewe, kama bwana wako Obama, mikono yenu itakuwa na damu ya watu walio mateka wetu."

13 Sep 2014

Happy birthday @ommydimpoz one of the most down-to-earth superstars I have ever known…his common sense always ahead of fame, his humility always infront of his celebrity status: respectful, wise and simply a good guy! God loves us all, but He loves good people even more. May Allah bless you with all the best He offers to sie viumbe wake…and keep on being the good&humble person you always are. Enjoy your big day!
Leo ni siku ya kuzaliwa ya mmoja ya wasanii maarufu kabisa huko nyumbani na hata duniani, Ommy Dimpoz. Nilifahamiana na Ommy kupitia Twitter, na tangu wakati huo sijawahi hata siku moja kujilaumu kufahamiana nae. Tofauti na hisia zilizotapakaa katika jamii kuwa watu maarufu mara nyingi huwa 'watu wa kujiskia,' kwa Ommy ni tofauti kabisa. Katika mawasiliano tuliyowahi kuwa nayo kupitia Twitter ameonyesha ni kijana mstaarabu, mwenye heshima na ni vigumu kuamini kuwa ni mmoja wa watu maarufu kabisa kwa sasa huko nyumbani na nje ya mipaka ya nchi yetu.

Na sio Ommy Dimpoz pekee. Kitu kimoja nilichojifunza katika kufahamiana na wengi wa ma-celeb wetu ni utu wao. Orodha ni ndefu lakini kwa uchache tu, nilichokutana nacho kwa Ommy Dimpoz ndicho nilichokutana nacho kwa Mwana FA, Profesa Jay, AY, Fid-Q,Solo Thang,Lameck Ditto, Cindrulz,Grace Matata,Mkoloni, Albino Fulani na hata wakongwe wa fani ya Bongoflava kama @XamiaSiku4Saa4 wa waasisi wa Bongoflava Kwanza Unit, na wengineo wengi.Tumekuwa tukiheshimiana tangu siku ya kwanza 'tulipofahamiana' mtandaoni.

Lakini si kwa Bongoflava tu kwani hata mastaa wengine kama Sinta, Flaviana Matata, Sporah Njau, Batuli, Seki, Masanja Mkandamizaji, Sheria Ngowi, Michael Mlingwa Masudi Kipanya na wengineo wengi ni watu ambao kwa hakika sijawahi kujutia kufahamiana nao kwenye mitandao ya kijamii.

Na kwenye 'anga' nyinginezo VIPs kama Mawaziri Lazaro Nyalandu, Januari Makamba, wanasiasa kama John Mnyika, Faustine Ndugulile, Halima Mdee, Hamis Kigwangalla, William Ngeleja na Lawrence Masha, sambamba na waheshimiwa wana-Afrika Mashariki Shyrose Bhanji na Abdullah Mwinyi, hali ni hiyo hiyo, unafahamiana na watu mtandaoni na wanakuwa kama 'asset' muhimu maishani kwa aidha kujifunza kutoka kupitia mafanikio yao au ustaarabu walionao mtandaoni.

Makala hii haitoshi kuwataja watu wote maarufu niliofahamiana nao kupitia mitandao ya kijamii, lakini ninachoweza kubainisha bayana ni ukweli kwamba kuwa-follow watu maarufu kunapunguza sana usumbufu kwenye mitandao ya kijamii. Pengine ni kwa sababu wanatunza heshima yao lakini pengine ni ukweli kwamba mafanikio ni mwalimu mzuri wa maisha, na wengi waliofanikiwa watakwambia kuwa moja wa mitaji mikuu ya mafanikio ni kuwaheshimu watu wengine kama wanavyokuheshimu.

Lakini ninaomba nibainishe waziwazi kwamba kama ilivyo katika maisha halisi 'mtaani' au duniani, heshima haihitaji mtu awe maarufu au wa kawaida. Kwa mantiki hiyo, ninachopigia mstari hapa si kwamba watu wote nilofahamiana nao mtandaoni nimaarufu, au watu wasio na umaarufu hawana faida. Hapana. Kuna maelfu ya watu 'wa kawaida tu' ambao kwa hakika wamenisaidia sana kuwa mtu bora zaidi ya nilivyokuwa kabla ya kufahamiana nao.

`Binafsi, moja ya vitu ninavyovithani ni mno ni utu na unyeyekevu. Kwa bahati mbaya (au pengine bahati nzuri) nilikulia katika familia isiyo na uwezo mkubwa. Sijisifu, lakini laiti nisingekuwa na akili ya darasani basi hata kuhitimu kidato cha nne ingekuwa mgogoro kwani wazazi wangu hawakuwa na uwezo wa kumudu gharama japo kiduchu za wakati ninasaka elimu maana hata ada ya elimu ya O'Level ikuwa mgogoro japo mwanzoni ilkuwa Shilingi 1,500 tu. Kubwa lililonisaidia ni kuishi na watu vizuri, unyenyekevu na heshima kwa kila mtu.

Lakini kibaya nilichojifunza katika maisha yangu mtandaoni ni ukweli usiopendeza kwamba  wengi wa wasumbufu mtandaoni ni wale wasio na moja la kujivunia: wenye umaarufu kutokana na mambo ya ovyo ovyo kama matusi na bullying, na wengine ni wenye kamera zenye IQ kubwa kuliko wao wenyewe  lakini wanahangaika kusaka umaarufu kwa kuwachafua watu waliowazidi kiakili/uwezo kuliko ukoo wao mzima.

Japo yawezekana kuwapo kwa watu maarufu wenye tabia zisizopendeza (japo sijawahi kukutana nao mtandaoni, na hata ningetakana nao ningewakwepa kwa sababu kanuni yangu kuu ni kuthamini utu wa mtu na si vitu alivyonavyo), lakini kwa hao niliofahamiana nao wamewezesha maisha yangu mtandaoni na katika dunia halisi kuwa ya amani na furaha. Uzoefu waonyesha kuwa watu wasumbufu sana, hususan mtandaoni, ni wale wasio na kitu chochote cha maana lakini wanajaribu kuihadaa dunia kuwa 'nao wamo.' Ushauri wangu mwepesi ni huu: kamwe usifuatane na mtu asiye na mwelekeo unless awe mtu anayejielewa kuwa mtaji wake mkubwa licha ya 'kutokuwa na kitu' ni utu wake.

Basi nimalizie makala hii maalum kwa ndugu yangu Ommy Dimpoz kwa kumtakia kila la kheri maishani nikitaraji watu wengine 'wenye majina' watajifunza mengi kupitia unyenyekevu wake ambao nina hakika unachangia sana katika mafanikio yake makubwa. Ninamwombea aendelee kuwa mfano kwa watu wengine maarufu kwa kujali utu kuliko vitu, kuendelea kuwa mnyenyekevu hasa kwa vile unyenyekevu una mvuto zaidi kuliko nyodo, mapozi na tabia nyingine zisizopendeza. 

Na kwa wasumbufu wanaosaka umaarufu kwa kuwasumbua wenzao, sina maneno mazuri wala ushauri wa busara wa kuwaeleza zaidi ya kuwakumbusha kuwa huwezi kumwangusha mtu mwema/bora. Kujuana na watu maarufu hakukufanyi nawe kuwa maarufu. Na hata kama watu maarufu watakuwa karibu nawe kwa 'upuuzi wako' basi ni wazi kuwa umaarufu huo utabaki kuwa kama mapovu, muda si mrefu hupasuka.

Happy birthday Ommy Dimpoz na shout out kwa kila mtu maarufu anayejali utu, mwenye heshima, mnyenyekevu na anayetambua kuwa mtaji mkubwa wa binadamu ni watu- marafiki- kuliko maadui.




Kwa ajali hizi hakuna aliye salama
KWA mara nyingine Tanzania imekumbwa na ‘msiba’ kwa ajali mbaya iliyotokea mkoani Mara na kusababisha vifo vya zaidi ya watu 30.

Kama nilivyowahi kuandika hivi karibuni, kwa polepole ajali zinazogharimu maisha ya Watanzania wengi tu zinaanza kuzoeleka. Na hili linakera mno.

Kweli, nchi yetu inafahamika kwa kutoyapa uzito wa kutosha matatizo yanayotukabili, na orodha ya ushuhuda katika hilo ni ndefu, na pengine inahitaji kitabu kizima badala ya makala moja kama hii.
Tunaweza kukumbushana kuhusu matatizo mbalimbali yanayotukabili, na ambayo kwa makusudi tumekubali kuyafanya sehemu ya maisha yetu ya kila siku.

Angalia, kwa mfano, tatizo la mgao wa umeme. Hili limefanywa ngonjera na wanasiasa wetu mpaka imefika mahali wameamua kukaa kimya tu. Aidha, wamechoka kudanganya, au wameishiwa na uongo wa kudanganyia, au yawezekana wameona hakuna haja ya kuwadanganya watu wasiojali. Hatimaye mgao wa umeme umekuwa sehemu ya kawaida ya maisha ya Mtanzania, na ukiacha lawama na matusi ya hapa na pale dhidi ya Tanesco, wananchi wengi wanaonekana kulikubali tatizo hilo.

Huko nyuma zilipatikana taarifa kuwa kuna baadhi ya Watanzania wenzetu wameiba mabilioni ya shilingi na kuyaficha katika mabenki nchini Uswisi. Zikaanza porojo, mara mwanasiasa huyu adai atalazimika kuyataja majina ya ‘wezi’ hao iwapo serikali haitofanya hivyo, mara tuambiwe kuna kikosi-kazi kimeundwa kufuatilia suala hilo, mara Takukuru nao waje na ‘uzushi’ wao, na porojo nyingine za kukera kama hizo.

Kilicho bayana ni kwamba hivi sasa suala hilo ni kama limekufa kifo cha asili. Hakuna dalili zozote za watu wanaokerwa na wizi huo wala kushinikiza hatua mwafaka za angalau kurejeshwa kwa fedha hizo kama si kudai hatua za kisheria dhidi ya wahusika.

Ukifuatilia kwa karibu kuhusu tuhuma za ufisadi unaweza kuhitimisha kuwa labda tuhuma mpya huibuliwa makusudi ili kuzima tuhuma zilizotangulia.

Katika mazingira ya kawaida tu, kama wahusika wamekataa katakata hadi leo angalau kutaja jina la mmiliki wa kampuni ya Kagoda iliyokwapua fedha nyingi katika ufisadi wa EPA katika Benki yetu Kuu, iliyopo Tanzania, ni wazi kwamba kutakuwa na uwezekano mdogo kwa wananchi kufahamishwa kuhusu fedha zilizofichwa nje ya nchi.

Tukirejea kwenye janga la ajali, Inasikitisha kuona kwamba taifa limezoea ajali hadi imefika mahala hatuoni umuhimu wa kuwa na siku ya maombolezo.

Labda wahusika hawaoni haja ya kuwa na maombolezo kwa vile wanatambua kuwa kuna uwezekano wa matukio ya ajali zaidi huko mbele, na haitawezekana kuwa na siku za maombolezo kwa kila ajali.
Naam, ni ukweli mchungu lakini usiokwepeka kwamba tutaendelea kupoteza maisha ya Watanzania wenzetu kwa ajali kwa sababu hakuna jitihada zozote za kulikabili tatizo hilo.

Walisema ajali haikwepeki lakini sote tunafahamu kuwa ajali zinazosababishwa na binadamu wenyewe zinaweza kuepukika. Ni rahisi kumlaumu Mungu kwa kudai ‘ajali hizo ni mipango ya Mungu, kwa vile siku yako ikifika huwezi kukwepa kifo’ lakini tutakuwa tunamwonea tu Mungu.

Tunaporuhusu askari wetu wa usalama barabarani wahalalishe rushwa kutoka kwa madereva wanaohatarisha maisha yetu au wanaotumia magari yasiyostahili kusafirisha japo takataka, achilia mbali binadamu, hatuwezi kujidanganya kuwa ‘hiyo ni mipango ya Mungu’ pindi kukitokea ajali.
Binafsi ninaamini kuwa kati ya vyanzo vikuu vya ajali huko nyumbani ni rushwa. Rushwa inawezesha vyombo vya usafiri vibovu kuendelea na safari zake na hivyo kuyaweka maisha ya abiria hatarini, rushwa pia inawezesha madereva wasio na sifa za kuendesha vyombo vya usafiri wa abiria kufanya kazi zao kana kwamba sheria za usalama barabarani zipo likizo.

Lakini kama nilivyowahi kueleza huko nyuma, abiria nao wanaweza kubeba lawama kwa kutotumia ‘nguvu ya umma’ pindi wanapokuwa katika chombo cha usafiri kinachoendeshwa kwa mwendo wa ‘kuita ajali.’

Hivi karibuni, rafiki yangu mmoja amekiri bayana kuwa kati ya sababu zinazomfanya kupendelea usafiri wa mabasi ya kampuni fulani inayofanya safari zake kati ya Dar es Salaam na Dodoma ni ‘mwendo wa kasi wa mabasi hayo.’

Haihitaji kuwa na uelewa mkubwa wa kanuni za fizikia kutambua kwamba mwendo wa kasi unaweza kusababisha ajali kirahisi, na hapo hata tukiweka kando uwezekano wa ajali kutokana na mwendo wa kasi katika basi bovu.

Tuambiane ukweli, wengi wa abiria hupendezwa zaidi na usafiri unaokwenda kasi kuliko wa polepole. Si ajabu kusikia abiria wakilalamika ‘ah dereva huyu anaendesha basi utadhani tumebeba maiti.’ Na dereva akitii kilio cha abiria hao, abiria haohao wanaweza kuishia kuwa maiti!
Kwa vile lawama pekee hazijengi, ni muhimu kwa serikali kuchukua hatua za haraka kukabiliana na janga hili linalozidi kushamiri la ajali za barabarani.

Pamoja na kupambana kwa dhati na rushwa ndani ya kitengo cha usalama barabarani katika Jeshi letu la Polisi, serikali ichukue hatua za haraka za kuboresha njia mbadala za usafiri, hususan wa treni.
Kwa hali ilivyo sasa, abiria anaweza kulazimika ‘kuiweka rehani roho yake’ kwa kupanda basi bovu na linalosifika kwa mwendo wa kasi, si kwa kupenda bali kwa vile hakuna njia mbadala ya kufika aendako.

Ni muhimu kuboresha usafiri wa reli ya kati, sambamba na kuangalia uwezekano wa kufufua au kuanzisha njia mpya za treni kufikia maeneo mengi zaidi ya nchi yetu.

Mwisho, wakati tunaomboleza vifo vya wenzetu zaidi ya 30 vilivyosababishwa na ajali mkoani Mara, ninaomba kuwakumbusha Watanzania wenzangu umuhimu wa kuchukua hatua zilizo ndani ya uwezo wao, kwa mfano, kukabiliana na madereva wanaoendesha magari ya abiria kwa mwendo wa kuhatarisha maisha.

Kadhalika, japo ninatambua ugumu uliopo katika kupata ushahidi dhidi ya vitendo vya rushwa vinavyofanywa na askari trafiki, angalau Watanzania wengi sasa wanamiliki simu zinazoweza kupiga picha au kurekodi video.

Ushahidi wa picha au video pale trafiki anadai au kupokea rushwa kutoka kwa dereva aliyetenda kosa barabarani waweza kuwekwa hadharani kwa mtindo wa ‘name and shame’ au kufikisha ushahidi huo kwa mamlaka husika. Hatua ndogo kama hizo zaweza kuleta mabadiliko makubwa hata kama itachukua muda mrefu.

Tusipojali uhai wetu kwa kupuuzia janga la ajali, tusitarajie miujiza ya kutunusuru

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