7 Sept 2011

Ndugu zangu,



Ndani ya siku tatu za kupiga kura kwenye Pima-Maji ya Mjengwa.blogspot.com watu 165 wameshatumbukiza kura zao. Matokeo mpaka dakika hii ni Joseph Kashindye wa CHADEMA anayeongoza kwa kura 116 akiwa amejinyakulia asilimia 70 ya kura zote. Anayefutia ni Dr. Peter Kafumu wa CCM mwenye kura 39 sawa na asilimia 23 ya kura zote. Wa tatu ni Leopard  Mahona wa CUF mwenye kura 10 sawa na asilimia 6 ya kura zote.

Tafsiri yangu;
Huu utakuwa mpambano mgumu mpaka dakika ya mwisho. Kwamba leo Jumanne wagombea wa vyama saba vya upinzani wamerudisha fomu si habari njema kwa CHADEMA. Tayari katika hatua hii ya kura za maoni za Watanzania wa mtandaoni tunaona CUF kwa namna moja au nyingine imepunguza kura za CHADEMA kwa asimilia 6. 

Laiti CUF na vyama vingine vya upinzani vingeiachia CHADEMA ipambane na CCM na huku vyama hivyo vikiipa sapoti CHADEMA, basi, CCM wangekuwa na kibarua kigumu zaidi kulibakisha jimbo la Igunga mikononi mwake. 

Na kama mgombea wa CHADEMA atabaki kwenye asilimia 60 au 70 ya ushindi siku tatu kabla ya uchaguzi, basi, Peter Kafumu wa CCM anaweza kabisa kuapishwa kuwa Mbunge wa Igunga kwenye Bunge la Kumi na Moja mwezi Novemba. Kwanini? CCM ni mabingwa wa ' kuokoteza' kura kwenye siku za mwisho za kampeni, kwa mbinu zote. Hivyo basi, kumfanya mgombea wao aibuke kidedea.

Na Siku tatu zijazo zitatoa picha zaidi juu ya hali ilivyo kwenye uwanja wa mapambano ya kisiasa kule Igunga.  CHADEMA watazindua rasmi kampeni zao, alikadhalika CCM na CUF. Hotuba za uzinduzi na mwitikio wa Wana Igunga kwa kila chama kitapozindua kampeni zake unaweza kutusaidia kutafsiri mwelekeo.

Naingiwa na hofu. Kwanini?
Kuwa Igunga inaweza pia kuwa kwenye hatari ya vurugu za kisiasa kama zilizotokea Tarime. Ni kwa vile CCM, CHADEMA na CUF vyote vimeikamia Igunga. Na itangulizwe busara na maslahi ya taifa.
Msomaji unakumbushwa. Nini tena?
Kuwa Pima-Maji ya Mjengwablog juu ya kinyang'anyiro cha Igunga bado inaendelea. Itumie blogu yako ya jamii shirikishwa ili utoe maoni yako.  Zimebaki siku tatu za kupiga kura kabla kituo cha kupigia kura kufungwa. Piga kura yako sasa  hapo juu kulia. Na kisha angalia matokeo. Kumbuka, kompyuta moja, kura moja. Ndio, hii ni Pima-Maji isiyochakachulika!
Maggid,
Dodoma.



Baada ya kuandika makala ya kwanza kuhusu keratoconus nimegundua kuwa kuna idadi kubwa ya watu wanaohitaji kujua zaidi juu ya hili tatizo na vilele juu ya tiba yake. na wapo wengine ambao hawana ufahamu wowote juu hili na wapo wale ambao amegundulika na hili tatizi ila kwa njia moja ama nyengine wamekosa ufumbuzi wake.na leo nitaongea zaidi juu ya dalili na tiba yake.




Kama nilivyokwisha eleza maana ya keratoconus ni hali ya kuendelea ambayo inafanya muundo wa kawaidawa cornea ambao ni curve kwenda kwenye muundo wa cone.na vilevile nikatoa mambo yanayopelekea tatizo hili  kuwa
ni urithi na mazingira..na sababu nyengine pia ni ukunaji wa macho kupindukia.

Ukunaji wa macho kupindukia, kwa mtu mwenye matatizo ya macho ni kawaida kwake kujikuta na uwasho katika macho ambapo inapelekea yeye kutumia muda mwingi sana kujikuna.kitu ambacho ningependa kuwashauri ni kwamba kupunguza kufanya kujikuna na kujitahidi kuacha kabisa  kwani ni sababu moja apo inayosemekana kupelekea keratoconus.



na miongoni mwa dalili za keratosconus ni;


6 Sept 2011


Kama unafuatilia blogu hii kwa kina basi utakuwa unatambua kuwa licha ya kuelemea zaidi kwenye masuala ya siasa,ninapenda pia muziki hasa katika kusaidia kuwatangaza Watanzania wenzetu wenye vipaji.

Na kama wewe ni mfuatiliaji mzuri wa matangazo ya ujio wa wasanii wetu kuja huku nje kuwa mara kadhaa matangazo hayo yameishia kuwa matangazo tu pasipo shoo zinazoahidiwa ku-materialise.Juzi juzi kulikuwa na matangazo ya shoo flani lakini ikayeyuka.

Ili kupata undani wa suala hili,nilizungumza na rafiki yangu ambaye ni msanii maarufu kabisa huko nyumbani,Hamis Mwinjuma au maarufu kama MwanaFA.Nilianza kwa kumuuliza mtizamo wake kuhusu utendaji kazi wa mapromota wa huko nyumbani na hawa walio nje (naomba ieleweke kuwa napozungumzia mapromota walio nje ninamaanisha Watanzania wanaojishughulisha na music promotion nje ya nchi yetu).


MwanaFA anaeleza kuwa kwa sasa utendaji kazi wa mapromota wengi wa huko nyumbani unaridhisha,a na anachangia improvement hiyo kwa jitihada za wasanii wenyewe kuwabana mapromota hao ili wasilete ubabaishaji.Anasema (namnukuu), "Kwa sasa mapromota nchini wamenyooka,wana nafuu sana,nadhani tume-deal nao kisawasawa wamenyooka,japokuwa lazima kutakuwa na mikasa ya hapa na pale."


Msanii huyo aliweka bayana kuwa mapromota wengi wa Kitanzania nje ya nchi bado wapo nyuma kidogo tofauti na ambavyo ingetarajiwa kwa vile wanaishi katika "dunia ya kwanza." MwanaFA anaeleza kuwa uwepo wa mapromota hao nje ya nchi unatarajiwa kuwafanya wawe na uelewa wa kutosha kuhusu music industry na suala la promotion za kimataifa.

"Angalau uki-deal na mapromota wa Kikenya ,wana respect (heshima) na wamenyooka already (tayari),wanajua kazi yao  na mazingira ya msanii anatakiwa kufanya kazi iende smooth," anasema MwanaFA katika mawasiliano yetu tuliyofanya kupitia mtandao wa kijamii wa Twitter.

Msanii huyo anadhani chanzo cha tatizo kinaweza kuwa kwenye hisia kuwa mara nyingi mapromota wa Kitanzania wanaojaribu kuandaa ziara za wasanii wa nyumbani ni watu 'local',sio mapromota wa kweli na ni wadogo mno, "kwahiyo mapindisho pindisho ni mengi pia."


Binafsi naafikiana na MwanaFA.Nadhani tatizo la mapromota wababaishaji linaweza kuchangiwa pia na maandalizi hafifu na ya muda mfupi.Wengi wao wanategemea mapato ya mlangoni aidha kuwalipa wasanii walioalikwa au kufidia gharama walizoingia kuwaleta na/au kuwalipa wasanii husika.Tatizo linakuja pale maandalizi duni yanapopelekea watu wachache kujitkeza kwenye shoo husika.

Mapromota wengi wanaojua kazi yao huanza maandalizi ya ziara ya msanii miezi kadhaa kabla ya shoo.Maandalizi ya muda mrefu yanawezesha matangazo kuhusu ziara ya msanii husika kuwafikia watu wengi zaidi,hasa kwa vile maisha ya wengihapa pia yanahitaji mipango ya muda mrefu.Prmota anapotangaza ujio ya msanii wiki mbili kabla ya tukio anaweza kupelekea watu wengi kukosa nafasi ya kuhudhuria shoo husika.

Lakini wasanii wetu wa huko nyumbani wanaweza kukabiliana na mapromota wababaishaji kwa kuandaa shoo hizo wao wenyewe kwa kushirikiana na wadau mbalimbali waliopo nje ya nchi.Kwa lugha nyingine,wasanii wanakuwa kama wanaajiri watu wa kufanikisha shoo hizo ambao malipo yao yatategemea ufanisi wa shoo husika.Lakini kubwa zaidi ni kwa wasanii wetu kujenga mahusiano na makampuni ya promsheni badala ya watu binafsi ambao wanaganga njaa kwa migongo ya wenye vipaji.Katika hili,wasanii wanaweza kuwatumia wadau mbalimbali kuwasaidia kufanya research ya makampuni yenye uwezo wa kufanikisha ziara ya msanii.


Blogu hii inamshukuru MwanaFA kwa mchango wake wa mawazo.

5 Sept 2011


By Guardian on sunday team
4th September 2011


Kigoma North legislator, Honourable Zitto Kabwe, who strongly criticized the African Barrick Gold, following the signing of Mineral Development Agreement (MDA) in 2007, to develop Buzwagi gold mine, benefited from the company’s development projects according to the latest research by a Canadian based researcher.

According to research by a Canadian journalist and academician, Adam Hooper, submitted to University of Carlton in July, this year, contrary to what many knew, ABG opted for a win-win situation in order to have a support from Kabwe, after the latter ‘nailed’ the company in Parliament in mid-2007.

The research suggests that after Kabwe proved to be ‘a thorn in the flesh’ to ABG leading to his controversial suspension from the Parliament, the Canadian mining giant noticed that the MP’s constituency was the lowest in terms of education development.

But defending the ABG’s move to invest in the Kigoma North Constituency, the company’s Public Relation Manager, Teweli Teweli, told the Canadian researcher that the decision was mainly influenced by the abysmal performance of the area in terms of education development.

This move, according to the ABG’s Public Relations Manager Teweli Teweli, was a result of a proposal submitted to the company by Kigoma North MP.

“Kigoma North government submitted a proposal and Barrick funded it because Kigoma North's education system is lagging behind national standards. Kabwe had complained about the same issue in Parliament for years, with no effect.” Reads part of the research seen by The Guardian on Sunday.

The research also claims that Barrick found Kabwe much less confrontational than observers expected when MPs were drafting the new Act.

“During the writing of the new law, we worked together so well because we had to create a win-win situation,” Kabwe is quoted in the research. He further adds, “So the enmity between us had to end.”

Whether it was immoral or not for ABG to finance development projects in Kabwe’s constituency remains debatable by Tanzanians whom some of them see the man as the potential material for the country’s top leadership.

Though their voices are contained in the research, The Guardian on Sunday, tried unsuccessfully to obtain the comments from Honourable Kabwe as well as ABG Public Relations Manager in Tanzania, Teweli Teweli.

While Teweli’s mobile phone kept ringing without being answered in almost the entire day, Kabwe’s mobile numbers were not reachable.

Below is part of the abridge story originating from the research conducted in Tanzania between 2010 and 2011, which was submitted at the University of Carleton, in July, this year.

From foes to partners
Kigoma, a quiet port on Lake Tanganyika, sits ten hours west of Kahama by bumpy bus ride.

A man sits in the passenger seat of his Land Cruiser, lap laden with newspapers. The car window is open.

“Hey, Zitto!” calls a passer-by. He walks up and chats in Swahili about what he hopes will happen in the region. The man, a politician, nods and says he'll do his best.

Supporters near Kigoma rally for Chadema, an opposition party, in the lead-up to the October 2010 elections.

This isn't even Zitto Kabwe's constituency, but everybody knows his name. Crowds of volunteers pile into truck beds and ride through the streets, blaring music and chanting campaign slogans through enormous speaker systems. They hand out flyers showing Kabwe's picture, Kabwe's accomplishments and Kabwe's election promises, urging residents to vote for Ally Mleh.

That was the party's 2010 campaign strategy in Kigoma Town: convince people to vote for the candidate Kabwe endorses.

It worked in 10 other constituencies around Tanzania's north and northwest, and it almost worked for Mleh. The Kigoma Town contender had never run before and his party's previous challenger finished a distant second in 2005. Mleh lost his bid by a mere three percentage points by riding in Kabwe's shadow.

Kabwe is a household name across Tanzania since he spoke against the Buzwagi contract and Barrick Gold. Barrick later supplied materials for a school in Kigoma North, the remote area Kabwe describes as his “mine-less constituency.”

The story began in 2006, before Buzwagi, when president Jakaya Kikwete asked the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources, Ibrahim Msabaha, to renegotiate all contracts with foreign mining companies. Tanzanians were complaining that mining multinationals, which had yet to recoup their expenses and turn profitable, weren't providing enough tax revenues.

Msabaha began talks with foreign miners and suggested in his 2006-2007 budget that the government would not sign new contracts or renew existing ones until further notice.

During negotiations, Barrick made concessions covering its existing mines. It agreed to advance $7 million a year in taxes even before its mines became profitable. It agreed to pay $200,000 per year to the councils of the districts it operates in and it gave up its tax breaks on equipment and fuel costs.

In February 2007, Barrick had mentioned these concessions but hadn't legally signed on to them. Nazir Karamagi had replaced Msabaha as head of the mining ministry in a cabinet shuffle, and the media were still criticizing mining contracts.

The mining minister and Barrick officials signed the Buzwagi contract in a hotel in London to meet a Barrick deadline. The mining minister initially didn't announce he'd signed it, sparking a public outcry.

Then came a new one. On Feb. 17, Karamagi signed the brand-new contract that let Barrick develop Buzwagi. His signature seemed poised to propel controversy to new levels, but Karamagi had a plan to defuse the situation.

He didn't tell anybody.

Barrick mentioned the contract in its 2006 annual report, which it released to shareholders and the public on Feb. 22, 2007, but it seems nobody in Tanzania read it. There wasn't any activity on the ground in Kahama to make residents suspicious because Barrick needed to wait for an environmental assessment of its proposed mine site. Karamagi remained mum.

“It was signed secretly. It was signed in London, in a hotel room, at midnight,” says Kabwe, emphasizing each fact with a pause. “No single member of parliament knew about this. The parliamentary committee on mining didn't know about it.”
Kabwe found out about the Buzwagi contract that July, tipped off by a “concerned Tanzanian.”

“I brought up the issue in Parliament. I asked the minister, 'did you sign this contract?' and the minister initially said 'no, I did not.' Later, he said yes. So he flip-flopped.” Kabwe announced that the minister had lied, and he criticized the minister for refusing to let Parliament examine the contract when asked. He moved to censure Karamagi and requested a committee be created to examine the deal.

But that doesn't happen in Tanzania. Kabwe, the country's youngest MP, was an opposition member whereas the ruling party held 206 of the 232 elected seats. Ruling-party politicians ganged up and suspended Kabwe from Parliament within hours for humiliating the mining minister, effective from August 2007 until January 2008.

Then something unexpected happened. Kabwe became a hero for speaking his mind. Crowds greeted him in the rain in Dar es Salaam to cheer him on after he was suspended. Leaders of four opposition parties supported Kabwe in a rally in September. Kabwe's party hired a helicopter so he could tour the country and his party could capitalize on his charisma. A ruling-party leader, Jaka Mwambi, warned fellow party members that Kabwe was popular despite his “red card” in parliament and even some ruling-party members were cheering for him.

“The press contributed a lot,” says Kabwe, recalling the drive to reinstate him. “Two hundred thousand people demonstrated in the streets of Dar.”

Under public pressure, President Kikwete formed a new presidential committee in November to investigate mining law. To the nation's shock, Kikwete appointed Kabwe to the 11-member team. “The mandate was given to look into the contracts, to look into the policy, to look into the legal regime, to look into the fiscal regime of the sector,” says Kabwe. “I came to know the sector very well.”

He also came to know Barrick
The commission ended in 2008 and published a widely-cited document called the Bomani Report. It highlighted numerous flaws in the country's mining agreements, suggesting that villages around Tanzania's gold mines haven't benefited from foreign investment as they should have and that the government was misguided when it sold Barrick its final five per cent share of Bulyanhulu soon after the giant entered the country. The report recommended the government increase royalties and grant fewer tax exemptions.

Parliament began to discuss a new Mining Act
In 2009, Barrick provided $10,000 in materials to repair a school in Kabwe's Kigoma North constituency.

Kigoma North is far from gold. Its only notable asset is an opposition MP who declares himself socialist, has enough power to threaten the terms of Barrick's contracts and wields so much public support even the president tries to get on his good side.

Barrick needed to get on Kabwe's good side, too. He was a respected economist and he was instrumental in drafting a new Mining Act parliament finalized in April 2010. Investing in Kabwe's school was a low-cost way for Barrick to show it had no ill will.

Teweli says the investment was part of Barrick's Heart of Gold fund, which pays for miscellaneous projects like art workshops with street children in Dar es Salaam. He says the Kigoma North government submitted a proposal and Barrick funded it because Kigoma North's education system is lagging behind national standards. Kabwe had complained about the same issue in parliament for years, with no effect.

Barrick found Kabwe much less confrontational than observers expected when MPs were drafting the new act. “During the writing of the new law, we worked together so well because we had to create a win-win situation,” says Kabwe. “So the enmity between us had to end.”

Under the 2010 mining law, companies have to pay royalties of four per cent on gold exports, up from three per cent. Also, the government is to hold shares of all new foreign-owned mines. Barrick's mines are exempt from both rules, because the new law doesn't apply to Tanzania's existing mines.

Kabwe, last year was re-elected and now Tanzania's go-to mining expert, doesn't criticise the result. When the 2010 Mining Act was passed, hKabwe told Reuters “it might send a negative signal to investors and might impact foreign direct investment. I'm worried on that.” Barrick doesn't criticise it either. When the legislative dust settled, both were victors. Barrick averted extra expenses at its mines. Kabwe became popular nationally and in his own district. They found their “win-win situation.”

Meanwhile, the Tanzanian government doesn't raise enough tax revenue to do its job. There's still no paved road crossing the country, one in ten children dies before turning five and according to a speech by president Kikwete in November 2010, only 14 per cent of Tanzanians have electricity. Debt stands at $11 billion as of December 2010, up $800 million from the previous year.

Barrick has some big numbers of its own, but they barely affect the country's budget. Tanzania exported $1.5 billion worth of gold in 2009, 40 per cent of the value of all Tanzania's exports, and most of that gold was Barrick's. But Barrick only paid $37 million in royalties and levies that year about one per cent of Tanzania's total tax revenue of $3.27 billion. Employees paid another $37 million in taxes on their salaries.

The most glaring zero in Barrick's budget is corporate tax. Tanzania charges 30 per cent corporate income tax, but Barrick pays none because it hasn't recouped expenses as three of its mines aren't considered profitable yet. The fourth mine, Tulawaka, is profitable but Barrick cancels out the earnings with Buzwagi's expenses to delay paying corporate tax. Tanzania amended its income tax law in 2010 to prevent this sort of offsetting and it would now tax every gold mine individually, but Barrick keeps its existing arrangement. Only North Mara is expected to become profitable this year.

Aside from not receiving corporate income tax, Tanzania actually owes Barrick millions. In Tanzania, companies pay a “value-added tax” similar to Canada's GST when they buy goods and services and import fuel. As in Canada, the government owes a refund when companies pay more VAT than they collect from their customers. Barrick has no Tanzanian clients so it's entitled as of December 2010 to a total refund of $121 million that Tanzania over-collected over the years and can't afford to repay. It's more than one per cent of the country's official debt.

Barrick deflects Tanzanians' demands for more taxes by touting the trickle-down effect. It says it spent $69 million on goods and services from Tanzanian companies in 2009: proof that it's injecting money into Tanzania's economy and benefiting the entire nation. “Our biggest argument when dealing with government is convincing them that this is an issue about getting a bigger cake rather than trying to get more slices from the same cake,” says Teweli Teweli, the company’s Public Relations Manager.

Barrick survives criticism even though the two Tanzanian ministers responsible for the Buzwagi deal, Msabaha and his successor Karamagi, are politically kaput. Both ministers resigned in February 2008 in the midst of a corruption scandal involving an energy contract with Richmond Development Company.

Msabaha contracted Richmond Development, a briefcase company owned by Tanzanian businessmen and registered in the United States, to provide generators to alleviate Tanzania's frequent electricity outages. After the contract wasn't met Msabaha signed an even larger one, which Karamagi upheld.

Parliament and Tanzanians abhor Karamagi's signature, but the ink on the Buzwagi contract, including Karamagi's last-minute scribbles in the margins, has proved permanent.

This story is a part of Adam Hooper’s research, which he wrote and produced in July, this year, to complete the requirements for his master of journalism degree at Carleton University.











Kuna wagombea watatu wenye kuchuana vikali Igunga; Dr Peter Kafumu ( CCM), Leopard Mahona ( CUF) na Joseph Kashindye ( CHADEMA). Blogu yako ya Jamii Shirikishwa, Mjengwablog, imekuandalia Pima- Maji ili utoe maoni yako kwa kupiga kura.  Zimebaki siku sita za kupiga kura. Swali ni hili; Je, ni nani ataibuka kidedea Igunga? Piga kura juu kulia kwenye http://mjengwa.blogspot.com

4 Sept 2011






Kwa sasa nitaiwasilisha kama ilivyo lakini naahidi kuifanyia tafsiri ya Kiswahili baadaye leo.

Viewing cable 06DARESSALAAM277, KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT

If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs



This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.

C O N F I D E N T I A L DAR ES SALAAM 000277 SIPDIS DEPT FOR INR, R.EHRENREICH E.O. 12958: DECL: 02/13/2016 TAGS:

PGOVPRELTZSUBJECT: KIKWETE CORRUPTION TIDBIT Classified By: Ambassador Michael Retzer, Reason 1.5 (d) 1. (C) President Kikwete has accepted gifts (bribes) from the owner of the Kempinski Hotel chain,s Tanzanian properties, a citizen of the United Arab Emirates. 2.

(C) In a conversation with the manager and the publicity director of Dar Es Salaam,s Kilimanjaro-Kempinski Hotel hours after accompanying A/S Frazer to her October 18, 2005 meeting with then-Foreign Minister Kikwete,
I commented on Kikwete's flashy attire, asking "Who dresses him?" "We do," they responded. Initially thinking this meant Kikwete frequented a men,s shop in the hotel, I learned later in the evening from hotel publicity director Lisa Pile (protect) that the hotel owner*UAE citizen Ali Albwardy*had recently flown Kikwete to London for a subsidized shopping expedition.Among other things, on that trip Ali Albwardy bought Kikwete five Saville Row suits. He had also recently made a $1 million cash contribution to the CCM (which is a legal contribution under current Tanzanian law). 3.

(C) Pile told me the Kempinski Hotel chain is greatly expanding its presence in Tanzania. She said that in December it would open "the best hotel in Zanzibar." Her prediction was a little off; the new Kempinski hotel, located on the beach on Zanzibar,s east coast, opened January 5. I attended the opening ceremony along with Zanzibari President Karume, who was asked publicly by Ali Albwardy for a site in Stone Town to build a new hotel. Later that day, Pile revealed that the Zanzibar government had already earmarked for Ali Albwardy a hotel site in Stone Town.
4.

(C) Pile also said in the October 18 conversation that Ali Abwardy was about to receive the rights to construct two new hotels on the mainland: one on the edge of Ngorongoro Crater and another on the Serengeti plain overlooking the main animal migration routes. Stringent conservation rules currently ban the construction of permanent structures inside national parks*including in the crater and on the Serengeti plain*but Pile said that in November legislation would be introduced to parliament to authorize the new hotels.

(Comment: We have received no reports on new legislation, but the Dar Es Salaam Daily News on January 15 reported that the Tanzania National Parks Authority had approved construction of a five star hotel on the Serengeti plain.)
4.

(C) Later on October 18, over dinner, an Indian/South Asian man described as a business associate of Ali Albwardy briefly took Pile from the table for a conversation in Kiswahili. I am not sure what was said, but Kikwete's name came up several times and
he passed her an envelope. Pile told me the envelope was stuffed with 1 million shillings ( $1,000) and was to pay for a Kikwete meeting at the Kilmanjaro-Kempinski later that month. Apparently Kikwete is a regular customer, but no name ever appears on the hotel registry when a government bigshot has an "event" in one of the guest rooms. 5.

(C) Bio Note: Lisa Pile, an Australian citizen, has lived in Dar working for Kempinski Hotels since early 2004. Before that she had served in a similar capacity with the Kempinski chain in China. Her family in Australia is prominent in Australia's Liberal Party (the center-right party of Prime Minister John Howard).
6.

(C) Comment: What does it all mean? I don,t know, but my guess is that the investor Ali Albwardy has access to oil money out of the UAE.
I suspect giving free clothes and the campaign donation is just the way these people do business. 7.

(C) For his part, Kikwete probably thinks having all these five star hotels around is a good idea for the country,and I agree with him. His new minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, Anthony Diallo, says he wants to double tourism,s contribution to the national economy in ten year,s time.
Kikwete probably believes there is no harm in taking these "little gifts" to do what he would have been inclined to do anyway. That said, they are what they are: bribes.

2 Sept 2011

Mawaziri wa kiume nchini Zimbabwe wapo mbioni kutahiriwa kama sehemu ya mkakati wa serikali ya nchi hiyo kuhamasisha njia hiyo inayoaminika kupunguza maambukizi ya Ukimwi.

Tafiti zinaonyesha kuwa tohara kwa wanaume inasaidia kupunguza uwezekano wa maambukizi ya Ukimwi (wakati wa tendo la ndoa) kwa takriban asilimia 60.Hata hivyo,wataalamu wa tiba wanaonya kuwa tohara hiyo sio njia mbadala ya hatua nyingine za kujikinga na maambukizi ya ugonjwa huo.

Zimbabwe ilianzisha kampeni kubwa mwaka juzi ikiwalenga angalau wanaume milioni 1.2 katika jitihada za kupambana na maambukizi mapya ya ugonjwa huo.

Vituo vinavyoendesha zoezi hilo vimeeleza kuwa watu wengi wamekuwa wakijitokeza na wanaonyesha kukubaliana na hatua hiyo.

Lakini sasa kuna mpango wa kuwalenga wanasiasa wa ngazi za juu ikiwamo mawaziri,wabunge na madiwani ili nao watahiriwe.

Naibu Waziri Mkuu Thokozani Khupe ameeleza kuwa hatua hiyo inaendana na mkakati wa serikali kupambana na Ukimwi.

"Utafiti umeonyesha kuwa wanaume waliotahiriwa wana nafuu  ya maambukizi ya Ukimwi pungufu kwa mara nane,na kama viongozi serikalini tunapaswa kuongoza kwa kuonyesha mfano ili tunaowaongoza watambua umuhimu na faida ya tohara," Khupe alilieleza gazeti la Sunday News la Bulawayo.

"Lengo letu ni kuwa na vifo sifuri kutokana na Ukimwi.Tunaweza tu kufanikiwa iwapo viongozi wataonyesha mfano.Watu wanapaswa kuelewa kuwa Ukimwi upo na haipaswi kudhani kwamba kuzungumzia tohara ni mwiko."

Zimbabwe ni moja ya nchi zilizoathiriwa vibaya sana na janga la Ukimwi huku kiwango cha maambukizi kikiwa miongoni mwa vikubwa zaidi duniani.

Hata hivyo,kiwango cha maambukizi kimepungua kwa kasi,takriban kwa nusu kutoka asilimia 29 ya Wazimbabwe wote mwaka 1997 hadi kufikia asilimia 16 mwaka 2007.

Watafiti wanaeleza kuwa wananchi wameanza kukubali kubadili tabia za ngono kutokana na kukua kwa uelewa kuhusu vifo vinavyotokana na Ukimwi na hofu ya kuambukizwa virusi vya ugonjwa huo.

"Nchi chache sana duniani zimeshuhudia kupungua kwa maambukizi,na katika Afrika,Zimbabwe ilionekana kama sio rahisi kumudu kupunguza maambukizi," Simon Grason wa chuo cha Imperial jijini London alieleza katika ripoti ya hivi karibuni.

CHANZO: Nimetafsiri habari hii kutoka gazeti la New Zimbabwean (bonyeza kiungo kuisoma katika lugha ya Kiingereza)


Kocha wa mchezo wa ngumi Rajabu Mhamila (Super D) kushoto akitangazwa mshindi zida ya bondia Safari Berdard kipindi hicho

Super D Boxing Coach kushoto Akipambana na Rashidi Ali

Super D Boxing Coach kulia akipambana na Ajibu Salumu
Salam alykum kaka kwenye maktaba yangu ya picha nimekutana na picha hizo kaka si vibaya ukawakumbusha bondia machachari aliekuwa anasimamisha mashabiki vitini awapo ulingoni asante kwa ushirkiano wako tupo pamoja
Super D Boxing Coach
Photojournalist at Majira, Business Times
        +255774406938
        Po.Box. 15493
Dar es Salaam Tanzania




--
Super D Boxing Coach
Photojournalist at Majira, Business Times
Mob;+255787 406930
        +255774406938
        Po.Box. 15493
Dar es Salaam Tanzania

 
  • superd vs ajibu.JPG
  • super d vs rashid ali.JPG
  • super d ushindi.JPG


Na Nova Kambota,
Namkumbuka mwanamuziki wa kizazi kipya Seleman Msindi maarufu kama Afande sele na kile kibao chake cha “Darubini kali” anapohoji “kama unapenda pepo kwanini uogope kifo?”
Tungo hii kwa namna ya pekee inamgusa waziri mkuu wa Tanzania Mh Mizengo Pinda maarufu kama “mtoto wa mkulima” ndiyo namuuliza Pinda ataonaje pepo pasipo kufa kwanza?
Tangu kuteuliwa kwake mara baada ya Edward Lowassa kujiuzulu, Kwa wale wanaomjua Pinda walishasema kuwa “Pinda atapwaya sana”, sasa ikiwa ni takribani miaka mitatu na nusu tayari mambo hadharani kuwa Pinda “kashindwa kazi”
Kwa wasiomjua Mizengo Pinda tafuteni ukweli mtamjua tu, ni Mizengo Pinda huyu amebaki kuwa mshauri wa Kikwete badala ya waziri mkuu kufikia hatua ya kutamka bungeni kuwa hana mamlaka, ni Pinda huyu asiye na makundi lakini anakubali kumezwa na mitandao na makundi ya CCM na bosi wake Kikwete na sasa nimeanza kusikia watu wakimwita ni “mtoto wa mkulima anayeishi kibilionea”
Hakuna ubishi kuwa hata watetezi wachache wa Pinda waliobaki sasa wamefadhaishwa na udhaifu wake kama sio uwoga wa kupindukia, “jeuri” ya Luhanjo na sakata la Jairo limemwaka njia panda Mizengo Pinda, amebaki kujiumauma na kutapatapa tu, kadhalilishwa lakini hataki kuchukua hatua, katukanwa lakini anachekelea! Huyu ndiye Mizengo Pinda.
Waziri mkuu Pinda akiongelea sakata la Jairo akajiapiza kuwa angekuwa na mamlaka angemfukuza kazi Jairo kwa maana nyingine Pinda amekiri kuwa Jairo anastahili adhabu na serikali haikutaka kumwangusha waziri mkuu “ikamtwanga likizo ya malipo” Bw Jairo lakini ghafla katibu mkuu kiongozi anaibuka na kumdhalilisha waziri mkuu eti Jairo hana kosa arudi kazini, wakati Pinda akisita kuchukua hatua wabunge kwa umoja wao wameamua kumtetea waziri mkuu kwa kudhalilishwa sasa Bunge limeunda kamati.
Hivi katika mduara huu wa “kudhalilishana na kushushiana heshima” ipi nafasi ya Pinda? Yapi maamuzi ya Pinda? Kichekesho ni kuwa Pinda “yupoyupo tu” hajachukua uamuzi na dalili zinaonyesha kuwa kwa mara nyingine tena Pinda amekubali kupiga magoti na kujishusha sehemu aliyotakiwa apigiwe  magoti yeye huyu ndiye Pinda ambaye bilashaka hata “ukimpiga ngumi” yeye wakati wa kukurudishia lazima atavaa gloves ili asikuumize.
Pinda anataka pepo? Anataka watanzania tumkumbuke kuwa ni kiongozi jasiri? Basi hana budi kufa ili aione hiyo pepo! Naam amedhalilishwa sana, ameshushiwa hadhi yake, na sasa ni wakati wayeye kufikiria kujiuzulu.
Haiwezekani Luhanjo na Pinda waendelee kuitumikia serikali moja, hiki kitakuwa ni kiinimacho , ni lazima mmoja wao atoke, na kwa vile wote tunakubaliana Pinda anaitamani pepo, anataka kukumbukwa mioyoni mwa watanzania, lazima aachane na serikali hii ya akina Luhanjo na Jairo, hana budi kumwachia Kikwete ateue waziri mkuu mwingine ambaye atakubali kuvunjiwa heshima, Naam! Pepo haiji hivihivi, ni lazima Pinda afe leo ili aione pepo kesho!

Nova Kambota Mwanaharakati,
+255717 709618
Tanzania, East Africa,
Alhamisi, September 1, 2011.


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