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BLOGU HII INAWATAKIA AY NA SHAA KILA LA HERI.USHINDI WENU UTAKUWA FAHARI KUBWA SI KWENU TU BALI KWA TANZANIA KWA UJUMLA.
9 Sept 2011
9.9.11
Evarist Chahali
ATCL, UFISADI
No comments
Sijui imetokea kwa bahati mbaya tu au makusudi,lakini kuongoza shirika la ndege lisilo na ndege kunaweza kabisa kumtia mtu UCHIZI.Hatimaye Serikali imemteua Bwana Paul CHIZI kuwa Kaimu Mkurugenzi wa ATCL,moja ya mashirika ya ndege vichekesho kabisa duniani.
Tatizo kubwa linaloikabili ATCL ni sawa kabisa na yale yanayoyakabili mashirika mengi mengine yaliyoendelea kuwa chini ya milki ya serikali.Kama ambavyo Tanesco imegeuzwa mradi wa mafisadi,manyang'au wanaendelea kuyanyonya mashirika hayo mithili ya ng'ombe dhaifu ambaye baada ya kuishiwa maziwa sasa anatoa damu.
Huyu CHIZI aliyekubali uteuzi huu atakuwa anaenda kujichukulia mshahara wa bure tu.Yaani Tanzania yetu imekuwa hadhithi nyiiingi lakini utendaji sifuri.Inakera kuona kuna burudani kadhaa zinazoendelea sehemu mbalimbali kusherehekea MIAKA HAMSINI TANGU TUPATE UHURU.Tuwe wakweli,TUNASHEREHEKEA NINI?Miaka 50 ya kuwa na shirika la ndege lisilo na ndege huku wenzetu Wakenya wakitikisha dunia na Kenyan Airways yao?Yani tumepigwa bao hata na nchi iliyo mahututi kiuchumi ya Zimbabwe?
Unajua nini?Laiti huyu Rais wetu mzururaji Jakaya Kikwete angekuwa analazimika kuzurura kwa kutumia ndege za ATCL basi lazima angalau kungekuwa japo na ndege moja ya kumwezesha kutekeleza jukumu lake la kuzunguka dunia.Sawa,tungeendelea kupigia kelele safari hizo lakini angalau pale anapochoka kusafiri ndege husika ingeweza kutumika kwa shughuli za kibiashara.
Lakini mtu huyu ambaye hana idea as to kwanini aligombea kuongoza nchi ni sehemu ya tatizo linaloua mashirika yetu ya umma.Hivi mtu mwenye uchungu na nchi anaweza kumteua swahiba wake mwenye rekodi chafu kufufua shirika kama ATCL?Tusiume maneno,miongoni mwa watu walioisindikiza kaburini ATCL ni pamoja na David Mattaka,ambaye wakati anang'atuka alijigamba kwa MAFANIKIO YA NEMBO MPYA YA ATCL.Hovyooo!
Kama ambavyo wizara mbalimbali za serikali zinavyoendeshwa kwa mtindo wa bora liende ndivyo ambavyo taasisi nyingine za umma zinavyojikuta katika hali hiyohiyo.Rais anateua wazembe kwa vigezo anavyojua mwenyewe.Lakini tutegemee nini kutoka kwa mtu aliyehongwa suti na Waarabu naye akawapa fadhila ya pande la ardhi kwenye mbuga ya wa wanyama?Hata Chifu Mangungo hakuwa mzembe wa kufikiri kiasi hicho.Suti tano kwa ardhi wapi na wapi?
Nimalizie kwa kusema kuwa I can't wait kuona mwaka 2015 unafika na Kikwete anafungasha virago vyake.Lakini ni muhimu kwake kutambua kuwa dunia inabadilika, Tanzania nayo inaweza kubadilika.Japo Kikwete na CCM wanaamini watatawala milele,inawezekana kabisa mwaka 2015 tukashuhudia hadithi tofauti.Sasa aendelee kuomba CCM ibaki madarakani maana itaendelea kumlinda kama yeye anavyomlinda fisadi mwenzie Benjamin Mkapa aliyegeuza Ikulu kuwa sehemu ya biashara huku akiwahadaa wananchi na kauli za "Uwazi na Ukweli." Labda alikuwa anamaanisha uwazi wa afya yake iliyokuwa inashamiri kila kukicha, ukweli kuwa hakuna nchi nyepesi kuongoza (hata kama ni fisadi) kama Tanzania.Lakini hayo yana mwisho,na ikibidi tutaingia kwenye siasa kuhakikisha mwisho huo hauji 2050 bali miaka michache tu ijayo.
Candidate grades are based on both performance and success in using the debate to improve their standing in the nomination contest.
Romney
Style: Proved every bit as tough as Perry in opening jousts. More natural and comfortable than usual, even/especially when delivering his pre-canned lines—many of which scored powerfully.
Substance: Strong on a variety of issues, but surprisingly, never shifted the focus to his detailed economic plan unveiled Tuesday.
His worst moment: Had trouble defending his Massachusetts health care law, still sounding addled and uncertain every time it comes up.
His best moment: Fluid, politically potent slap-down of Perry on his inflammatory Social Security rhetoric: “Our nominee has to be somebody who isn’t committed to abolishing Social Security.”
The main thing: Came prepared with clear stats and a good attitude. Showed he won’t back down in the face of the Perry surge. Smart enough to retreat after Perry’s Social Security flap, increasing the odds that it will be the story of the night. Once again, looked fit, at ease, and more like a president than anyone on stage--including his main competition.
Grade: A
___________________________
Perry
Style: Jabbed at Romney whenever possible, and was smooth and confident while doing so. Often looked straight to the camera, rather than at the moderators or in-room audience—an effective alpha male move. Smiled, mugged, and joked easily, flaunting his earthy Texan charm, although occasionally appeared a bit tentative.
Substance: Stood by his stark “Ponzi scheme” record on Social Security. Claimed the federal government is to blame for Texas’ dead-last standing on insurance coverage. Never sounded like a policy wonk, but evinced a reasonable command of policy basics—although he faltered on climate change at debate’s end. Offered a robust defense of the death penalty.
His worst moment: Defiantly stood by the passages about Social Security in his controversial 2010 book ”Fed Up” in a manner as ominous as it was unclear.
His best moment: Telling the world that Michael Dukakis had a better record on jobs than Romney.
The main thing: Largely followed his advisors’ strategy: severe on Romney without being mean-spirited, solution-oriented when discussing the nation’s problems, adept at dodging unwelcome questions, appealingly loose and accessibly human. But his Social Security answer is sure to get a lot of scrutiny from the press, Democrats and Republicans (Romney included). The press will kill him on climate change, too. Not bad for a first debate, but second best is second best.
Grade: B+
___________________________
Huntsman
Style: Displayed the reasonable, conservative persona of a Republican leader. Although mild in manner, sounded smart and constructive.
Substance: Talked in generalities for the most part, but was decent in broad strokes.
His worst moment: Fighting sickness, he seemed to lose energy (and his voice) after a strong start.
His best moment: Made a powerful, sweeping case for his experience on jobs and internationally in response to a question on China.
The main thing: Launched into the debate with aggression and purpose, but faded by the end. With the overheated Perry-Romney focus, did perhaps as well as he could–- but had difficulty breaking through and regaining ground.
Grade: B-
___________________________
Bachmann
Style: Bright and collected, if somewhat tense. Kept her focus on Obama, even when invited to critique RomneyCare.
Substance: Still just skimming the surface, although refrained from excessively touting her record in the House, in contrast to past debates.
Her worst moment: Shied away from attacking Perry despite proffered opportunities--she’ll have to take him on if she wants back in the hunt.
Her best moment: Didn’t really have any, which was her chief problem.
The main thing: Still smoother and more composed than her cartoonish pre-candidacy image, but is no longer benefiting from low expectations. There is an air of desperation around her efforts now that she has been muscled out of the first tier by Perry.
Grade: C-
___________________________
Santorum
Style: Mr. Consistent –- mild, earnest, eager for everyone to know that he was an activist Senator.
Substance: Didn’t own any issue in an eye-catching manner.
His worst moment: More than once, sounded a bit tinny, a little whiny.
His best moment: Defended America’s role around the world in a principled, passionate manner.
The main thing: Wants desperately to be a player in this thing, but has not found the alchemy required to mirror Joe Biden in 2008 and play above his poll standing as a debater.
Grade: D+
___________________________
Gingrich
Style: Cantankerous, accusatory, and unfocused.
Substance: Rarely showed his substantial policy chops.
His worst moment: Angrily suggested that moderator efforts to explore differences between the GOP candidates are a media plot against the Republican Party.
His best moment: Gave a strong, detailed answer on immigration reform, the likes of which hasn’t been seen much in these debates so far.
The main thing: Failed to appear presidential and distinguished. Despite hearty audience approval, didn’t execute any discernable strategy to win the nomination.
Grade: D
___________________________
Cain
Style: Adopted a more presidential mien than in past debates, but was crowded out and made no distinct impression.
Substance: Still unable to break through with a signature policy issue.
His worst moment: A rambling answer about Chile and retirement.
His best moment: Decent response on taxes, just as the debate was ending.
The main thing: Had less verve than usual. Failed to stand out or improve his standing.
Grade: D-
___________________________
Paul
Style: Adopted a more negative tone towards the other candidates, as he and his campaign have started to do in recent weeks.
Substance: Demonstrated a familiarity with Perry’s Texas record that allowed for some detailed critiques.
His worst moment: Hemmed and hawed when challenged by Perry on his record of fidelity to Reagan (at the Reagan library!).
His best moment: Nothing stood out.
The main thing: Was given many opportunities to talk, but made little substantive use of the time. His new strategy -- going after the frontrunner, rather than just following his own drummer -- noticeably tanked. He came across as angry, and he made his ire seem personal, a petty Texas feud.
Grade: D-
SOURCE: The Page
8 Sept 2011
7 Sept 2011
- 7.9.11
- Evarist Chahali
- Igunga, Mjengwa
- No comments
Ndugu zangu,
Ndani ya siku tatu za kupiga kura kwenye Pima-Maji ya Mjengwa.blogspot.com watu 165 wameshatumbukiza kura zao. Matokeo mpaka dakika hii ni Joseph Kashindye wa CHADEMA anayeongoza kwa kura 116 akiwa amejinyakulia asilimia 70 ya kura zote. Anayefutia ni Dr. Peter Kafumu wa CCM mwenye kura 39 sawa na asilimia 23 ya kura zote. Wa tatu ni Leopard Mahona wa CUF mwenye kura 10 sawa na asilimia 6 ya kura zote.
Tafsiri yangu;
Huu utakuwa mpambano mgumu mpaka dakika ya mwisho. Kwamba leo Jumanne wagombea wa vyama saba vya upinzani wamerudisha fomu si habari njema kwa CHADEMA. Tayari katika hatua hii ya kura za maoni za Watanzania wa mtandaoni tunaona CUF kwa namna moja au nyingine imepunguza kura za CHADEMA kwa asimilia 6.
Laiti CUF na vyama vingine vya upinzani vingeiachia CHADEMA ipambane na CCM na huku vyama hivyo vikiipa sapoti CHADEMA, basi, CCM wangekuwa na kibarua kigumu zaidi kulibakisha jimbo la Igunga mikononi mwake.
Na kama mgombea wa CHADEMA atabaki kwenye asilimia 60 au 70 ya ushindi siku tatu kabla ya uchaguzi, basi, Peter Kafumu wa CCM anaweza kabisa kuapishwa kuwa Mbunge wa Igunga kwenye Bunge la Kumi na Moja mwezi Novemba. Kwanini? CCM ni mabingwa wa ' kuokoteza' kura kwenye siku za mwisho za kampeni, kwa mbinu zote. Hivyo basi, kumfanya mgombea wao aibuke kidedea.
Na Siku tatu zijazo zitatoa picha zaidi juu ya hali ilivyo kwenye uwanja wa mapambano ya kisiasa kule Igunga. CHADEMA watazindua rasmi kampeni zao, alikadhalika CCM na CUF. Hotuba za uzinduzi na mwitikio wa Wana Igunga kwa kila chama kitapozindua kampeni zake unaweza kutusaidia kutafsiri mwelekeo.
Naingiwa na hofu. Kwanini?
Kuwa Igunga inaweza pia kuwa kwenye hatari ya vurugu za kisiasa kama zilizotokea Tarime. Ni kwa vile CCM, CHADEMA na CUF vyote vimeikamia Igunga. Na itangulizwe busara na maslahi ya taifa.
Msomaji unakumbushwa. Nini tena?
Kuwa Pima-Maji ya Mjengwablog juu ya kinyang'anyiro cha Igunga bado inaendelea. Itumie blogu yako ya jamii shirikishwa ili utoe maoni yako. Zimebaki siku tatu za kupiga kura kabla kituo cha kupigia kura kufungwa. Piga kura yako sasa hapo juu kulia. Na kisha angalia matokeo. Kumbuka, kompyuta moja, kura moja. Ndio, hii ni Pima-Maji isiyochakachulika!
Maggid,
Dodoma.
- 7.9.11
- Evarist Chahali
- Rea
- No comments
Baada ya kuandika makala ya kwanza kuhusu keratoconus nimegundua kuwa kuna idadi kubwa ya watu wanaohitaji kujua zaidi juu ya hili tatizo na vilele juu ya tiba yake. na wapo wengine ambao hawana ufahamu wowote juu hili na wapo wale ambao amegundulika na hili tatizi ila kwa njia moja ama nyengine wamekosa ufumbuzi wake.na leo nitaongea zaidi juu ya dalili na tiba yake.
Kama nilivyokwisha eleza maana ya keratoconus ni hali ya kuendelea ambayo inafanya muundo wa kawaidawa cornea ambao ni curve kwenda kwenye muundo wa cone.na vilevile nikatoa mambo yanayopelekea tatizo hili kuwa
ni urithi na mazingira..na sababu nyengine pia ni ukunaji wa macho kupindukia.
Ukunaji wa macho kupindukia, kwa mtu mwenye matatizo ya macho ni kawaida kwake kujikuta na uwasho katika macho ambapo inapelekea yeye kutumia muda mwingi sana kujikuna.kitu ambacho ningependa kuwashauri ni kwamba kupunguza kufanya kujikuna na kujitahidi kuacha kabisa kwani ni sababu moja apo inayosemekana kupelekea keratoconus.
na miongoni mwa dalili za keratosconus ni;
6 Sept 2011
- 6.9.11
- Evarist Chahali
- MwanaFA
- No comments
Kama unafuatilia blogu hii kwa kina basi utakuwa unatambua kuwa licha ya kuelemea zaidi kwenye masuala ya siasa,ninapenda pia muziki hasa katika kusaidia kuwatangaza Watanzania wenzetu wenye vipaji.
Na kama wewe ni mfuatiliaji mzuri wa matangazo ya ujio wa wasanii wetu kuja huku nje kuwa mara kadhaa matangazo hayo yameishia kuwa matangazo tu pasipo shoo zinazoahidiwa ku-materialise.Juzi juzi kulikuwa na matangazo ya shoo flani lakini ikayeyuka.
Ili kupata undani wa suala hili,nilizungumza na rafiki yangu ambaye ni msanii maarufu kabisa huko nyumbani,Hamis Mwinjuma au maarufu kama MwanaFA.Nilianza kwa kumuuliza mtizamo wake kuhusu utendaji kazi wa mapromota wa huko nyumbani na hawa walio nje (naomba ieleweke kuwa napozungumzia mapromota walio nje ninamaanisha Watanzania wanaojishughulisha na music promotion nje ya nchi yetu).
MwanaFA anaeleza kuwa kwa sasa utendaji kazi wa mapromota wengi wa huko nyumbani unaridhisha,a na anachangia improvement hiyo kwa jitihada za wasanii wenyewe kuwabana mapromota hao ili wasilete ubabaishaji.Anasema (namnukuu), "Kwa sasa mapromota nchini wamenyooka,wana nafuu sana,nadhani tume-deal nao kisawasawa wamenyooka,japokuwa lazima kutakuwa na mikasa ya hapa na pale."
Msanii huyo aliweka bayana kuwa mapromota wengi wa Kitanzania nje ya nchi bado wapo nyuma kidogo tofauti na ambavyo ingetarajiwa kwa vile wanaishi katika "dunia ya kwanza." MwanaFA anaeleza kuwa uwepo wa mapromota hao nje ya nchi unatarajiwa kuwafanya wawe na uelewa wa kutosha kuhusu music industry na suala la promotion za kimataifa.
"Angalau uki-deal na mapromota wa Kikenya ,wana respect (heshima) na wamenyooka already (tayari),wanajua kazi yao na mazingira ya msanii anatakiwa kufanya kazi iende smooth," anasema MwanaFA katika mawasiliano yetu tuliyofanya kupitia mtandao wa kijamii wa Twitter.
Msanii huyo anadhani chanzo cha tatizo kinaweza kuwa kwenye hisia kuwa mara nyingi mapromota wa Kitanzania wanaojaribu kuandaa ziara za wasanii wa nyumbani ni watu 'local',sio mapromota wa kweli na ni wadogo mno, "kwahiyo mapindisho pindisho ni mengi pia."
Binafsi naafikiana na MwanaFA.Nadhani tatizo la mapromota wababaishaji linaweza kuchangiwa pia na maandalizi hafifu na ya muda mfupi.Wengi wao wanategemea mapato ya mlangoni aidha kuwalipa wasanii walioalikwa au kufidia gharama walizoingia kuwaleta na/au kuwalipa wasanii husika.Tatizo linakuja pale maandalizi duni yanapopelekea watu wachache kujitkeza kwenye shoo husika.
Mapromota wengi wanaojua kazi yao huanza maandalizi ya ziara ya msanii miezi kadhaa kabla ya shoo.Maandalizi ya muda mrefu yanawezesha matangazo kuhusu ziara ya msanii husika kuwafikia watu wengi zaidi,hasa kwa vile maisha ya wengihapa pia yanahitaji mipango ya muda mrefu.Prmota anapotangaza ujio ya msanii wiki mbili kabla ya tukio anaweza kupelekea watu wengi kukosa nafasi ya kuhudhuria shoo husika.
Lakini wasanii wetu wa huko nyumbani wanaweza kukabiliana na mapromota wababaishaji kwa kuandaa shoo hizo wao wenyewe kwa kushirikiana na wadau mbalimbali waliopo nje ya nchi.Kwa lugha nyingine,wasanii wanakuwa kama wanaajiri watu wa kufanikisha shoo hizo ambao malipo yao yatategemea ufanisi wa shoo husika.Lakini kubwa zaidi ni kwa wasanii wetu kujenga mahusiano na makampuni ya promsheni badala ya watu binafsi ambao wanaganga njaa kwa migongo ya wenye vipaji.Katika hili,wasanii wanaweza kuwatumia wadau mbalimbali kuwasaidia kufanya research ya makampuni yenye uwezo wa kufanikisha ziara ya msanii.
Blogu hii inamshukuru MwanaFA kwa mchango wake wa mawazo.
5 Sept 2011
By Guardian on sunday team
4th September 2011
Kigoma North legislator, Honourable Zitto Kabwe, who strongly criticized the African Barrick Gold, following the signing of Mineral Development Agreement (MDA) in 2007, to develop Buzwagi gold mine, benefited from the company’s development projects according to the latest research by a Canadian based researcher.
According to research by a Canadian journalist and academician, Adam Hooper, submitted to University of Carlton in July, this year, contrary to what many knew, ABG opted for a win-win situation in order to have a support from Kabwe, after the latter ‘nailed’ the company in Parliament in mid-2007.
The research suggests that after Kabwe proved to be ‘a thorn in the flesh’ to ABG leading to his controversial suspension from the Parliament, the Canadian mining giant noticed that the MP’s constituency was the lowest in terms of education development.
But defending the ABG’s move to invest in the Kigoma North Constituency, the company’s Public Relation Manager, Teweli Teweli, told the Canadian researcher that the decision was mainly influenced by the abysmal performance of the area in terms of education development.
This move, according to the ABG’s Public Relations Manager Teweli Teweli, was a result of a proposal submitted to the company by Kigoma North MP.
“Kigoma North government submitted a proposal and Barrick funded it because Kigoma North's education system is lagging behind national standards. Kabwe had complained about the same issue in Parliament for years, with no effect.” Reads part of the research seen by The Guardian on Sunday.
The research also claims that Barrick found Kabwe much less confrontational than observers expected when MPs were drafting the new Act.
“During the writing of the new law, we worked together so well because we had to create a win-win situation,” Kabwe is quoted in the research. He further adds, “So the enmity between us had to end.”
Whether it was immoral or not for ABG to finance development projects in Kabwe’s constituency remains debatable by Tanzanians whom some of them see the man as the potential material for the country’s top leadership.
Though their voices are contained in the research, The Guardian on Sunday, tried unsuccessfully to obtain the comments from Honourable Kabwe as well as ABG Public Relations Manager in Tanzania, Teweli Teweli.
While Teweli’s mobile phone kept ringing without being answered in almost the entire day, Kabwe’s mobile numbers were not reachable.
Below is part of the abridge story originating from the research conducted in Tanzania between 2010 and 2011, which was submitted at the University of Carleton, in July, this year.
From foes to partners
Kigoma, a quiet port on Lake Tanganyika, sits ten hours west of Kahama by bumpy bus ride.
A man sits in the passenger seat of his Land Cruiser, lap laden with newspapers. The car window is open.
“Hey, Zitto!” calls a passer-by. He walks up and chats in Swahili about what he hopes will happen in the region. The man, a politician, nods and says he'll do his best.
Supporters near Kigoma rally for Chadema, an opposition party, in the lead-up to the October 2010 elections.
This isn't even Zitto Kabwe's constituency, but everybody knows his name. Crowds of volunteers pile into truck beds and ride through the streets, blaring music and chanting campaign slogans through enormous speaker systems. They hand out flyers showing Kabwe's picture, Kabwe's accomplishments and Kabwe's election promises, urging residents to vote for Ally Mleh.
That was the party's 2010 campaign strategy in Kigoma Town: convince people to vote for the candidate Kabwe endorses.
It worked in 10 other constituencies around Tanzania's north and northwest, and it almost worked for Mleh. The Kigoma Town contender had never run before and his party's previous challenger finished a distant second in 2005. Mleh lost his bid by a mere three percentage points by riding in Kabwe's shadow.
Kabwe is a household name across Tanzania since he spoke against the Buzwagi contract and Barrick Gold. Barrick later supplied materials for a school in Kigoma North, the remote area Kabwe describes as his “mine-less constituency.”
The story began in 2006, before Buzwagi, when president Jakaya Kikwete asked the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources, Ibrahim Msabaha, to renegotiate all contracts with foreign mining companies. Tanzanians were complaining that mining multinationals, which had yet to recoup their expenses and turn profitable, weren't providing enough tax revenues.
Msabaha began talks with foreign miners and suggested in his 2006-2007 budget that the government would not sign new contracts or renew existing ones until further notice.
During negotiations, Barrick made concessions covering its existing mines. It agreed to advance $7 million a year in taxes even before its mines became profitable. It agreed to pay $200,000 per year to the councils of the districts it operates in and it gave up its tax breaks on equipment and fuel costs.
In February 2007, Barrick had mentioned these concessions but hadn't legally signed on to them. Nazir Karamagi had replaced Msabaha as head of the mining ministry in a cabinet shuffle, and the media were still criticizing mining contracts.
The mining minister and Barrick officials signed the Buzwagi contract in a hotel in London to meet a Barrick deadline. The mining minister initially didn't announce he'd signed it, sparking a public outcry.
Then came a new one. On Feb. 17, Karamagi signed the brand-new contract that let Barrick develop Buzwagi. His signature seemed poised to propel controversy to new levels, but Karamagi had a plan to defuse the situation.
He didn't tell anybody.
Barrick mentioned the contract in its 2006 annual report, which it released to shareholders and the public on Feb. 22, 2007, but it seems nobody in Tanzania read it. There wasn't any activity on the ground in Kahama to make residents suspicious because Barrick needed to wait for an environmental assessment of its proposed mine site. Karamagi remained mum.
“It was signed secretly. It was signed in London, in a hotel room, at midnight,” says Kabwe, emphasizing each fact with a pause. “No single member of parliament knew about this. The parliamentary committee on mining didn't know about it.”
Kabwe found out about the Buzwagi contract that July, tipped off by a “concerned Tanzanian.”
“I brought up the issue in Parliament. I asked the minister, 'did you sign this contract?' and the minister initially said 'no, I did not.' Later, he said yes. So he flip-flopped.” Kabwe announced that the minister had lied, and he criticized the minister for refusing to let Parliament examine the contract when asked. He moved to censure Karamagi and requested a committee be created to examine the deal.
But that doesn't happen in Tanzania. Kabwe, the country's youngest MP, was an opposition member whereas the ruling party held 206 of the 232 elected seats. Ruling-party politicians ganged up and suspended Kabwe from Parliament within hours for humiliating the mining minister, effective from August 2007 until January 2008.
Then something unexpected happened. Kabwe became a hero for speaking his mind. Crowds greeted him in the rain in Dar es Salaam to cheer him on after he was suspended. Leaders of four opposition parties supported Kabwe in a rally in September. Kabwe's party hired a helicopter so he could tour the country and his party could capitalize on his charisma. A ruling-party leader, Jaka Mwambi, warned fellow party members that Kabwe was popular despite his “red card” in parliament and even some ruling-party members were cheering for him.
“The press contributed a lot,” says Kabwe, recalling the drive to reinstate him. “Two hundred thousand people demonstrated in the streets of Dar.”
Under public pressure, President Kikwete formed a new presidential committee in November to investigate mining law. To the nation's shock, Kikwete appointed Kabwe to the 11-member team. “The mandate was given to look into the contracts, to look into the policy, to look into the legal regime, to look into the fiscal regime of the sector,” says Kabwe. “I came to know the sector very well.”
He also came to know Barrick
The commission ended in 2008 and published a widely-cited document called the Bomani Report. It highlighted numerous flaws in the country's mining agreements, suggesting that villages around Tanzania's gold mines haven't benefited from foreign investment as they should have and that the government was misguided when it sold Barrick its final five per cent share of Bulyanhulu soon after the giant entered the country. The report recommended the government increase royalties and grant fewer tax exemptions.
Parliament began to discuss a new Mining Act
In 2009, Barrick provided $10,000 in materials to repair a school in Kabwe's Kigoma North constituency.
Kigoma North is far from gold. Its only notable asset is an opposition MP who declares himself socialist, has enough power to threaten the terms of Barrick's contracts and wields so much public support even the president tries to get on his good side.
Barrick needed to get on Kabwe's good side, too. He was a respected economist and he was instrumental in drafting a new Mining Act parliament finalized in April 2010. Investing in Kabwe's school was a low-cost way for Barrick to show it had no ill will.
Teweli says the investment was part of Barrick's Heart of Gold fund, which pays for miscellaneous projects like art workshops with street children in Dar es Salaam. He says the Kigoma North government submitted a proposal and Barrick funded it because Kigoma North's education system is lagging behind national standards. Kabwe had complained about the same issue in parliament for years, with no effect.
Barrick found Kabwe much less confrontational than observers expected when MPs were drafting the new act. “During the writing of the new law, we worked together so well because we had to create a win-win situation,” says Kabwe. “So the enmity between us had to end.”
Under the 2010 mining law, companies have to pay royalties of four per cent on gold exports, up from three per cent. Also, the government is to hold shares of all new foreign-owned mines. Barrick's mines are exempt from both rules, because the new law doesn't apply to Tanzania's existing mines.
Kabwe, last year was re-elected and now Tanzania's go-to mining expert, doesn't criticise the result. When the 2010 Mining Act was passed, hKabwe told Reuters “it might send a negative signal to investors and might impact foreign direct investment. I'm worried on that.” Barrick doesn't criticise it either. When the legislative dust settled, both were victors. Barrick averted extra expenses at its mines. Kabwe became popular nationally and in his own district. They found their “win-win situation.”
Meanwhile, the Tanzanian government doesn't raise enough tax revenue to do its job. There's still no paved road crossing the country, one in ten children dies before turning five and according to a speech by president Kikwete in November 2010, only 14 per cent of Tanzanians have electricity. Debt stands at $11 billion as of December 2010, up $800 million from the previous year.
Barrick has some big numbers of its own, but they barely affect the country's budget. Tanzania exported $1.5 billion worth of gold in 2009, 40 per cent of the value of all Tanzania's exports, and most of that gold was Barrick's. But Barrick only paid $37 million in royalties and levies that year about one per cent of Tanzania's total tax revenue of $3.27 billion. Employees paid another $37 million in taxes on their salaries.
The most glaring zero in Barrick's budget is corporate tax. Tanzania charges 30 per cent corporate income tax, but Barrick pays none because it hasn't recouped expenses as three of its mines aren't considered profitable yet. The fourth mine, Tulawaka, is profitable but Barrick cancels out the earnings with Buzwagi's expenses to delay paying corporate tax. Tanzania amended its income tax law in 2010 to prevent this sort of offsetting and it would now tax every gold mine individually, but Barrick keeps its existing arrangement. Only North Mara is expected to become profitable this year.
Aside from not receiving corporate income tax, Tanzania actually owes Barrick millions. In Tanzania, companies pay a “value-added tax” similar to Canada's GST when they buy goods and services and import fuel. As in Canada, the government owes a refund when companies pay more VAT than they collect from their customers. Barrick has no Tanzanian clients so it's entitled as of December 2010 to a total refund of $121 million that Tanzania over-collected over the years and can't afford to repay. It's more than one per cent of the country's official debt.
Barrick deflects Tanzanians' demands for more taxes by touting the trickle-down effect. It says it spent $69 million on goods and services from Tanzanian companies in 2009: proof that it's injecting money into Tanzania's economy and benefiting the entire nation. “Our biggest argument when dealing with government is convincing them that this is an issue about getting a bigger cake rather than trying to get more slices from the same cake,” says Teweli Teweli, the company’s Public Relations Manager.
Barrick survives criticism even though the two Tanzanian ministers responsible for the Buzwagi deal, Msabaha and his successor Karamagi, are politically kaput. Both ministers resigned in February 2008 in the midst of a corruption scandal involving an energy contract with Richmond Development Company.
Msabaha contracted Richmond Development, a briefcase company owned by Tanzanian businessmen and registered in the United States, to provide generators to alleviate Tanzania's frequent electricity outages. After the contract wasn't met Msabaha signed an even larger one, which Karamagi upheld.
Parliament and Tanzanians abhor Karamagi's signature, but the ink on the Buzwagi contract, including Karamagi's last-minute scribbles in the margins, has proved permanent.
This story is a part of Adam Hooper’s research, which he wrote and produced in July, this year, to complete the requirements for his master of journalism degree at Carleton University.
SOURCE: Guardian on Sunday
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