Tanzania Karne ya 21: Afya Mikononi mwa Babu Loliondo na Ambulance za bajaji

 

Waziri Mkuu Mizengo Pinda akikodolea macho ambulance ya bajaji.Labda macho yangu tu lakini naona kama Pinda hana hakika kama tupo karne ya 21 au tunarejea Zama za Mawe!

Na mwenye dhamana ya afya ya Watanzania kwa sasa ni Babu wa Loliondo.

HII NDIO TANZANIA ZAIDI YA UNAVYOIJUA

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Salomon Kalou: It's hard playing and not thinking about people dying

Chelsea striker tells Stuart James he has more than football on his mind – his father is caught up in the Ivory Coast conflict

Salomon Kalou has a huge weight on his mind and it has nothing to do with Chelsea's Champions League defeat against Manchester United in midweek. The prospect of finishing the season at Stamford Bridge without a trophy is hard to contemplate but it pales into insignificance compared with the heartache Kalou feels when he turns his thoughts to his family and friends caught up in the conflict in the Ivory Coast.

The bitter and bloody fallout from last November's presidential elections has plunged the country where Kalou spent the first 17 years of his life back into civil war. Thousands have been killed and the harrowing images of the street battles in Abidjan, where his father, Antoine, and other members of his extended family live, together with the stories of food and water shortages in what was once West Africa's most prosperous country, plague Kalou's conscience.

"It's very hard to go on to the pitch and say I'm not thinking about people dying every day, I'm not thinking about my friends not eating, my dad not getting help," Kalou says. "To be honest, I worry every day. I am thinking more about that than anything else. Any chance I have to go on the phone or to go on the news and check I do, because that's my main priority. I need to make sure my family are safe.

"I got my mum and five sisters out four days before it started. When we played against Benin in Ghana last month with Ivory Coast [in an African Cup of Nations qualifier moved to a neutral venue because of the violence], I got them to come and watch the game and from there they went to Togo. They can stay there until the end of the situation. My dad was going to come as well but the war started on the day he was going to come."

Kalou acknowledges he is in a fortunate position to be able to afford sanctuary for his mother and sisters in Togo for as long as they need it, but he feels "helpless" in relation to his father's predicament. The problems in Abidjan mean that, at the time of this interview, which takes place at his home in Surrey on Thursday evening, Kalou has gone three days without speaking to his father. He is desperate to hear news of a peaceful resolution.

"I don't want to take any sides and I don't want to get involved in the politics of the Ivory Coast because politics is for politicians, but it hurts me to see my friends, my brothers, killing each other," he says. "Some of my best friends are from the north, I'm from the west, I have friends from the south – I have a lot of Ivorian friends. Ivorians don't have problems with Ivorians. Politics are dividing people. But is that a reason for people to kill? Why not stop that now and talk.

People from outside should help to bring peace. Bring food and water to people. That's what I call worrying about the civilians. Then I can have respect for that and say those people really care. If your priority is to say one side loses and one side wins, then you are not stopping anything. They will keep fighting and, in the end, when everyone is gone, what is left for those people? Those kids who have seen the war and people dying, how many years is it going to take for them to get over it?"

Although Kalou admits it is impossible to erase those questions from his mind, the football pitch at least provides a place to try to escape. His only wish is that he spent much more time immersing himself in playing, rather than watching from the substitutes' bench, which was again the case on Wednesday night, when Chelsea lost 1-0 to United and Kalou was forced to endure the familiar sight of the strikers picked ahead of him fluffing their lines.

It is a frustrating situation, especially as this season Kalou has by far the best goals-to-minutes ratio in the Premier League of the four Chelsea forwards and is second only to Nicolas Anelka in all competitions. "That speaks for itself," Kalou says as he runs his eyes over the figures. "I think a player can be great if you have the opportunity to play every week and show what you can do. If you take a player like [Lionel] Messi and you don't play him, you won't see how good he is.

"All along my time at Chelsea there is always a big name playing and that makes it difficult for the manager to put me in the team. And I understand that, because coming in as a young player in a big club, you have to fight your way through. But I have been here for five years, scored over 50 goals for the club and there are some big players who have been here who haven't done that. But I think the fans appreciate my record."

Kalou reels off the names of Hernán Crespo, Andriy Shevchenko, Mateja Kezman and Claudio Pizarro to illustrate his point. It is tempting to wonder whether the much-maligned Fernando Torres will be next on the list, although Kalou insists he is pleased the Spaniard signed. "The arrival of Torres is a benefit to me because now I get to play my real position, behind the striker – that's where I was playing before I joined Chelsea. I played with Torres against Manchester City and I thought it was really good. We had very good movement and created chances."

Chelsea triumphed 2-0 that day, although it was the only match Kalou has started in the last seven, raising the obvious question about what he can do to change things. "I think I can talk to the club and see what my position is because it's frustrating to not get involved knowing that you're playing better than others," the former Feyenoord striker says. "I did speak to Carlo Ancelotti. He is an understanding man. He knows what I feel as a player because he played before."

Will it get to the stage where he thinks he has to go to a club where he will be the main forward? "Of course. I think about it all the time," Kalou says. "That's what my goal is [to be the first choice]. If you look at those statistics, if I play double the games, I'm sure I can do better than that. I think people know and I think the club know – they never let me go or try to sell me. I believe that my time is coming at Chelsea, and if it's not at Chelsea it will be at another team."

Yet Kalou is such an affable, laid-back character that it is difficult to imagine him making demands or creating a scene when overlooked. "If I'm not happy I'm not playing, I don't really show my emotions," the 25-year-old admits. "Sometimes, maybe I should show more because it's good for the manager to know that the player is pissed off not to play. I'm relaxed and easy-going and people think that whatever he gets to play he will be happy. But that's not the case sometimes."

For Kalou, though, it is about "showing respect" for his team-mates when he is left out and supporting them, which helps to explain why he is so well liked at Chelsea at all levels. He smiles knowingly when it is suggested he is popular with Roman Abramovich, the club's owner, and the rest of the board.

"They know that I never complain, never make trouble and never try to bring the club's image down. They have the belief that most of the players who will complain will be doing crazy stuff in training and not training well and that's not the case with me, so I think they respect that and they also have respect for the fact that, even though I am not playing, I can have better statistics than the player who does."

One statistic Kalou would prefer not to have to his name, however, is the club record he broke last Saturday at Stoke, when he made his 94th substitute appearance for Chelsea. "It's like getting a plastic medal. It's kind of like, you've done good to be a sub. That's not what I want," he says, shaking his head. "I want to have a real impact as an important player for Chelsea because I know I have the ability to do that.

"The only thing is to be playing regularly and have the confidence and rhythm of those games. Then you can show what you can do. If you can play 20 minutes and change a game, you can change a game in 90 minutes."

The evidence of one of his more recent contributions from the bench can be found in his lounge, where the man-of-the-match champagne from the Blackpool game last month, when he replaced Didier Drogba to create two Chelsea goals in a 3-1 victory, sits next to the signed ball he took home after scoring a hat-trick against Stoke City 12 months ago. One of Usain Bolt's running shoes, a picture of Diego Maradona in his prime and a signed Muhammad Ali boxing glove complete the sporting backdrop.

Kalou gives a guided tour of the rest of the house, which is decorated with shirts from some of the world's greatest players, as an interview that lasts the length of time he would like to spend on the pitch against Wigan on Saturday draws to a close. One conversation, though, is difficult to leave behind. "We need to stop the war," he says. "What I worry about is my family to not get hurt and my country to not get destroyed. My concern is not who is going to govern. My main concern is peace."

SOURCE:The Guardian

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The Royal African Society: "Litigating Colonial Atrocity - Mau Mau and Herero"

This panel explored the joint case on litigating reparations initiatives for the Herero Genocide in German South-West Africa (1904-08) and the Mau Mau Emergency in British Kenya (1952-1960). Both historical events can be described as two of the most atrocious chapters in the book of European colonialism in Africa and the groundbreaking scholarship of the panel's speakers has been instrumental in pursuing the respective legal actions against the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Kingdom.

David Anderson on the Mau Mau case

For many years in Kenya Mau Mau was deemed best forgotten. Reparations movements were suppressed under the Kenyatta government. However, in the 1990s a number of reparation organisations were formed. Originally these were local in focus – largely being claims for property stolen whilst suspected Mau Mau members were imprisoned. The Kenyatta government was not keen on opening up this potentially divisive subject, and so several thousand claim cases were recorded but never brought to court. In effect, the government helped suppress the national memory of Mau Mau.

In the 1990s the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) was formed, following a global shift towards such rights and entitlements. The KHRC was however initially reluctant to take on seemingly ‘unwinnable’ Mau Mau case. Difficult questions existed as to which courts would hear cases of claims against the British government and under which national jurisdiction would they occur?

The KHRC did however take up the cases, and it is important to note that the momentum towards litigation by Mau Mau claimants pre-dated the publishing of books on the subject – notably David Anderson’s Histories of the hanged and Caroline Elkins’ Britain’s Gulag – which both came out in 2005. These publications however provided the claimants (and their lawyers) with greater ammunition for their cases. The Kenyan government has been a little wary about the implications of successful claims, as it is not keen to arbitrate on who should benefit from reparations. The Mau Mau claim is also seen as being nationally divisive, as Mau Mau is not considered a national movement but rather an ethnic one. Under the present coalition government, no one in Kenya wants to tackle such potentially divisive subjects.

David Anderson’s role in the current Mau Mau case (to go to court in London on 4th April) is that of an expert witness. As such, he provided historical background from his own research.

Anderson stated that at the atrocities that took place by – or on behalf of – the British government, between 1952 and 60, were not a secret. They were widely reported on by the British press, but no one felt the need to do anything.

They Kenya National Archive has very good records from the Mau Mau period. However, Anderson made the point that things are missing. Areas in which documents are missing are easily identified by any historian, as it is obvious when certain categories of documents have been removed. For example, documents about detentions centres, screening teams (set up to conduct interrogations) and collective punishments (administered to entire villages) are missing, when it is known that records of all such actions were taken.

The case currently under preparation is focussed on 5 claimants who claim torture in a variety of different prison camps. Lawyers are charged with proving British government culpability and liability for the torture.

Whilst culpability may be proven, liability is more problematic. One argument which seeks to counter liability claim is that, upon independence, Kenya’s assumption of its national sovereignty was an implicit acceptance of liability for any outstanding claims against its national administration. This logic may mean that the British government accepts culpability for torture (from the time of its sovereignty over Kenya) but is not liable for it.

Anderson stated that he has tried to persuade the British government that an out of court settlement would be the best solution. This would ideally also include a public acknowledgement of wrongdoing, and even an apology. This is what happened with the German government and the case of the Herero. An apology and a ‘gift’ – to be used for developmental purposes – was provided. It was stated that some progress was made on this under the last government.

In his statement to the courts for the upcoming case Anderson cited the existence of missing documents. He stated that these documents may have been removed by the exiting British administration in 1963. Evidence was provided from documents Anderson has seen which detail certain files that were ‘retrieved’ to London upon independence. These removals were of a significant scale – there are references to ‘3 crates of documents’ having been ‘retrieved.’ These documents have now however been found, and were released to both defence and prosecution. An open question was asked as to whether this was a ‘cock up or conspiracy.’

Whilst the missing documents in the Kenya case have been found, Anderson questioned whether in other instances – Malaya, Cyprus, Nigeria (to name just 3 possible examples) – there might also be missing documents, ‘retrieved’ to London, with much to tell us about the actions of colonial administrations.

The Mau Mau claim is not the only claim the British government may have to worry about. Claims mau arise from, for example Malaya or Palestine, and as such there is a fear that a successful claim could set a precedent for reparations claims. However, the point was made that the ongoing Mau Mau case does affect relations between Britain and the Kenyan government. Anderson strongly advocates that it would be better for all involved to settle out of court.

Robert Murtfeld on the Herero case

Robert Murtfield is a PhD student focussed on international law – with a focus on the case of the Herero genocide in what is now Namibia. He has been working on the Herero case for 5 years.

In 2004 the Herero recognised the centenary of the genocide carried out against them by the German army in South West Africa. This centenary was also made notable by the delivering of an apology by the German Minister for Economic Development and Cooperation. Murtfield however stated that this apology never received German parliamentary approval, and was framed in a development context. In essence, it was not enough, and Murtfield now seeks to revitalise the Herero debate 10 years after the 2004 apology.

The case of the Herero exemplifies a very violent instance of colonialism. German South West Africa (modern day Namibia) was the primary German settler colony. The Herero – who were the original occupiers of this land – felt threatened by the settler presence, and started a war against the settlers, killing 120 – 130 of them. The imminent loss of control of its colony engendered a military response from the German government. The Herero were militarily encircled and given one route through which they could escape – by crossing the Kalahari desert. This was in essence an order of extermination.

As with Kenya and the Mau Mau, the actions of the colonial military/administration were not a secret. The extermination order by the commander of the German forces was communicated back to Germany where it was initially accepted. The order was later withdrawn, but concentration camps (based on the British model from the Boer War) were set up, where many Herero were worked to death.

A case brought against the Federal Republic of Germany through a US court failed due to the inability of such a court to rule upon what was a German case. The Herero could also not appeal to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as the ICJ only deals with appeals made by states (the claim was made on behalf of the Herero and not Namibia as a national entity.) The Herero case had a complex national politics to it in Namibia, as Germany is the biggest aid donor to Namibia. The Namibian government did not want to endanger this aid due to the actions of one section of its population.

Both presentations demonstrated the difficulties inherent in international law, and emanating from national governments, in gaining reparations for such claims. The Mau Mau litigation - begining of April 4th - could make history as the first successful example of such a claim.

Many thanks to The Royal African Society for tweeting  to me the link to the article

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Makala yangu ktk Raia Mwema Toleo la April 6: "JK na Ahadi zake,UVCCM na jeuri yao"

Makala yangu yawiki hii katika Jarida mahiri la Raia Mwema toleo la Jumatano April 6,2011 inaangalia ahadi za Rais Jakaya Kikwete na jeuri za Umoja wa Vijana wa CCM (UVCCM).Pamoja na makala hiyo (BONYEZA HAPA KUISOMA) ni habari na uchambuzi motomoto ndani ya jarida hili maridhawa kabisa la Raia Mwema.

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Fidia Dhidi ya Ukoloni: Kesi ya "Mau Mau" vs Waingereza yaanza London

Wakenya wanne wanaodai waliteswa na utawala wa kikoloni wa Uingereza katika jitihada zake za kukandamiza harakati za kundi la Mau Mau,wamefungua kesi jijini London.

Kundi hilo linalodai fidia katika mahakama kuu ya hapa linadai kuwa walishambuliwa na maafisa wa serikali ya kikoloni ya Uingereza nchini Kenya kati ya mwaka 1952 na 1961.

Maelfu ya wanaharakati wa Mau Mau waliwekwa kwenye kambi za wakoloni hao na kuteswa huku wengine wakiuawa,wanasema wanaharakati hao.

Serikali ya Uingereza inadai kuwa muda mrefu umepita tangu yalipotokea matukio hayo,na hivyo inadai haiwajibiki nayo.

Hatua hiyo ya kisheria inachukuliwa na wanaume watatu na mwanamke mmoja ambao umri wao ni kati ya miaka 70 na 80.

Mawakili wao wanadai kuwa Wakenya hao wanne wanawakilisha sehemu kubwa ya jamii ya Wakenya walionyanyaswa kutokana na ushiriki wao,au kuhusiswa na harakati za mapambano dhid ya wakoloni katika miaka ya 1950s.

"Wizara" ya Mambo ya Nje ya Uingereza (Foreign Office) inakiri kwamba suala la Mau Mau linazua hisia kali na kwamba zama hizo zilisababisha maumivu makubwa kwa pande zote.

Hata hivyo,"Wizara" inaeleza kuwa Uingereza itajitetea kikamilifu dhidi ya madai yaliyomo kwenye kesi hiyo,ikidai kuwa haiwajibiki.

Uchambuzi wa nyaraka zinazohusiana na kesi hiyo umepelekea kugundulika kwa maelfu ya mafaili ya tawala za kikoloni za Waingereza,ikiwa ni pamoja na nchini Kenya,na "Wizara" ya Mambo ya Nje inatarajia kuweka rekodi hizo hadharani.

Harakati za Mau Mau zilianza miaka ya 1950s kwa lengo la kudai ardhi iliyoporwa na utawala wa kikoloni.

Wanahistoria wanadai kuwa harakati za Mau Mau zilichangia katika kupatikana uhuru wa Kenya.

Hata hivyo,harakati hizo pia zilishutumiwa kwa ukatili dhidi ya wakulima wa kizungu na mapambano ya umwagaji damu dhidi ya askari wa utawala wa kikoloni.

Kamisheni ya Haki za Binadamu nchini Kenya imesema kuwa zaidi ya Wakenya 90,000 waliteswa au kuuawa katika kipindi hicho,na watu 160,000 waliwekwa kizuizini katika mazingira ya kuogofya.

Ripoti rasmi iliyochapishwa mwaka 1961 ilidai kuwa zaidi ya Waafrika 11,000,wengi wao wakiwa raia wa kawaida,na wazungu 32 waliuwa katika kipindi hicho.

Habari hii imeandaliwa kutokana na habari kwenye kipindi cha "Breakfast" cha BBC1 Scotland na tafsiri isiyo rasmi kutoka kwenye tovuti ya BBC

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Umeshatembelea GONGAMX.COM?

Nathamini sana ubunifu.Na mmoja wa vijana wabunifu wenye vipaji vya kupigiwa mstari ni Michael Carter Mlingwa,au maarufu kama Mxcarter.Mie napendelea kumuita Mr Carter (as in Shawn Carter,yaani Jay-Z).Bonyeza bango hilo hapo juu kutembelea tovuti hiyo,na naamini utakubaliana nami kuwa kijana huyu anajituma vilivyo kuendeleza fani mbalimbali za sanaa mtandaoni.

Unaweza pia kum-join Twitter @twitter.com/mxcarter (au bonyeza picha ifuatayo)

au kutembelea ukurasa wake wa Facebook unaopatikana kwa kubonyeza picha ifuatayo

Tovuti hii iko mbioni kufanya mahojiano na Mxcarter,na yatarushwa hapa pindi yatapokamilika.Yote hiyo ni kuenzi vipaji vya Tanzania yetu.

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Vote For Sporah @ African Women in Europe Award 2011

PLEASE VOTE FOR SPORAH NJAU UNDER COMMUNITY SERVICE/ORGANISATION OF THE YEAR ON AFRICAN WOMEN EUROPEAN AWARDS 2011.

TO CAST YOUR VOTE  FOR SPORAH,PLEASE VISIT CLICK THE IMAGE BELOW

OR GO DIRECTLY TO

http://africanwomenineuropeevents.wordpress.com/candidate/ 

AND IF YOU JOIN THE EVENT IN BERLIN YOU WILL HAVE A CHANCE TO WIN A FLIGHT TICKET TO AFRICA WITH AIR FRANCE!

THANK YOU

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Uchakachuaji Goes On: Muswada wa Marekebisho ya Katiba

 Tanzania Constitutional Review Bill 2011

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Tangazo Maalum kutoka Jumuiya ya Watanzania UK (TZ-UK)

Balozl Peter Kallaghe

JUMUIYA YA WATANZANIA-TANZ-UK ikishirikiana na TA Reading Inapenda kuwakumbushia tena  watanzania wote waishio Reading, Slough, Oxford na vitongoji vingine,  Kuwa  Ziara ya Balozi wetu MH Peter Kallaghe akiambatana na Mama Kallaghe Itaanza rasmi siku ya Ijumaa jioni tarehe 8/4/11 na kuendelea Tarehe 9/4/11 Jumamosi ambapo Mh. Balozi Kallaghe atakutana na Jumuiya mbali mbali za Ki-Tanzania, pamoja na kutembelea miradi na Taasisi mbali mbali za KiTanzania.

Wakati Huo huo Mama Kallaghe atajumuika na na akina mama wote Jumamosi kuanzia saa nane Mchana. Kisha Mh Balozi na Mama Balozi watahudhuria hafla kubwa iliyoandaliwa na Wanajumuiya kwa ajili ya kuwakaribisha kuanzia saa kumi na mbili jioni.  Bongo DJs watakuwepo wakifanya makamuzi  mpaka usiku wa manane.  Jumapili 10/4/11 kutakuwa na ibada ya Kiswahili itakayohitimisha Ziara hii ya kipekee.

Kutokana na muitiko mkubwa pamoja na ushirikiano wa hali ya juu kutoka kwa wanajumuia imelazimu kubadilisha ukumbi ili kufanikisha zaidi ziara hii.  Anuani ya Ukumbi Rasmi itakuwa WYCLIFFE 233 KINGS ROAD, READING RG1 4LS. Tunawaomba Radhi  wote kwa usumbufu uliotokana na mabadiliko hayo muhimu. Tafadhali mjulishe mwenzako na tuzingatie mda.

Kwa mawasiliano zaidi kuhusu ziara hii tafadhali wasiliana na wafuatao: Ndg. Hussein 07865673756, Ngd. Upete 07796122127, Mama Maria 07919874182.

Asanteni sana kwa ushirikiano wenu.

TANZ- UK / TA READING

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OMBWE: Ligi ya Nani Mbabe Kati ya Kikwete na Magufuli Yaendelea

Magufuli atamba mbele ya Rais
• Atoa onyo la bomoabomoa kwa wakazi Dar

na Bakari Kimwanga

SIKU chache baada ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete kumtaka Waziri wa Ujenzi, John Magufuli, aache ubabe katika kutekeleza zoezi la bomoabomoa, jana waziri huyo alitoa onyo mbele yake akiwataka wakazi wa Tegeta jijini Dar es Salaam hasa waliokuwa katika hifadhi ya barabara ya Mwenge hadi Tegeta, wahame wenyewe kabla hajachukua hatua za kuwaondoa kwa nguvu.

Magufuli aliyasema hayo jijini Dar es Salaam jana huku Rais Kikwete mwenyewe akiwa pembeni yake, wakati wa sherehe za uzinduzi wa mradi wa upanuzi wa barabara hiyo yenye urefu wa kilometa 12.9 inayojengwa kwa msaada wa serikali ya Japan kupitia shirika lake la maendeo (JICA).

Waziri huyo makeke alisema katu hataacha kusimamia sheria namba 18 ya mwaka 2007 ambayo ilisainiwa na Rais mwenyewe ambayo inakataza watu kuingilia eneo la hifadhi ya barabara kwa kujenga makazi au kufanya biashara.

“Mheshiwa Rais, hata wakileta malalamiko kwako usiwasikilize, kwani sheria namba 18 uliyoisaini inakataza….naahidi kuisimamia na kuwepo kwa Makatapila katika eneo la Tegeta sasa ni ishara tosha kwa wakazi waliovamia hifadhi ya barabara kuondoka wenyewe kabla sijaanza kuwaondoa kwa nguvu!”

“Mradi huu utachukua miezi 27 kuanzia mwezi Februari na unatarajiwa kukamilika Mei, 2013 na utagharimu shilingi bilioni 88 na fedha zote ni msaada toka serikali ya Japan,” alisema Magufuli.

Barabara hiyo inapanuliwa kwa kiwango cha lami na itakuwa na njia nne na vituo rasmi vya mabasi 22.

Aidha, alieleza kuwa hatua ya Rais Kikwete kumteua kushika wadhifa huo ni msukumo tosha kwa yeye na wasaidizi wake kuhakikisha wanasimamia sheria na ikiwa kutatokea utata Naibu Waziri wake, Harrison Mwakyembe, kwa kushirikiana na Katibu Mkuu wa Wizara hiyo, Hebert Mrango, wanaweza kuutatua kwani wao ni wanasheria kitaaluma.

Awali akizindua mradi huo, Rais Kikwete aliiagiza wizara hiyo kukishughulikia mara moja kile alichokiita “genge la watu waliojipanga kuidhulumu serikali na wananchi” kwa kuwalipa mabilioni ya fedha makandarasi ambao ujenzi wao wa barabara ni wa kiwango hafifu na cha chini.

Pia aliiagiza Wizara ya Ardhi, Nyumba na Maendeleo ya Makazi kuacha mara moja kugawa maeneo ya wazi na badala yake iyasimamie ipasavyo maeneo hayo yakiwamo yale ya watoto kuchezea kwa kuzuia kabisa ujenzi katika maeneo hayo.

Hata hivyo agizo hilo la Rais Kikwete linaonekana limechelewa sana kwani tayari kuna tuhuma na malalamiko mengi yanayoonyesha kuwa tayari maeneo mengi ya wazi yamekwishagawiwa kwa watu binafsi wenye uwezo kinyume cha taratibu, huku ikielezwa kuwa wahusika bado hawajachukuliwa hatua.

“Tumejitahidi kupandisha bajeti ya barabara mwaka 2006; ilikuwa bilioni 470 na hivi sasa tumepanda hadi trilioni 1.3 ili kuimarisha miundombinu ya barabara za ndani.”

“Wizara na Tanroads sasa msifanye malipo kwa watu ambao ujenzi wao ni wa kiwango cha chini na msipokee barabara ambayo iko chini ya kiwango ili kuongeza ufanisi wa barabara zetu jamani,” alisema Rais Kikwete.

Alisema kukamilika kwa upanuzi wa barabara ya Mwenge hadi Tegeta kutapunguza msongamano jiji la Dar es Salaam ambao kila mara umekuwa ukisumbua wakazi wa jiji.

CHANZO: Tanzania Daima

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