13 Apr 2011
12 Apr 2011
Nimekumbana na habari ifuatayo katika gazeti la Tanzania Daima ambapo inaelezwa kuwa mwekezaji mmoja mwenye asili ya Kiasia amemchoma moto mwanamke mmoja kwa kosa la kuingia hotelini mwa mwekezaji husika bila kulipa kiingilio.
Kinachojidhihirisha katika habari husika ni dalili kwamba jeshi la pilisi linasuasua kumtendea haki mwananchi huyo.Nimewasiliana na bloga mwenzangu ambaye pia ni mwandishi mwandamizi wa gazeti moja la jamii huko nyumbani kumwomba tushirikiane kulipigia kele suala hili hadi haki ya mwananchi mwenzetu ipatikane.Kwa sie Watanzania tulio nje tunashuhudia namna raia wa nchi za wenzetu wanavyothaminiwa na sheria zao lakini kwetu ni hadithi tofauti hususan linapokuja suala la hao wanaoitwa wawekezaji.
Uwezo wa kifedha isiwe sababu ya kunyanyasa wananchi wasio na uwezo.Natoa wito kwa kila Mtanzania atakayeguswa na habari hii kuchangia kwa namna moja au nyingine kudai haki itendeke na ikiwezekan mwekezaji husika atimuliwe kabisa nchini.Hatuhitaji wababaishaji wanaoifanya nchi yetu kama pori lisilo na sheria.
Habari husika ni hii:
Mwekezaji amchoma moto raia Dar
na Hellen Ngoromera
RAIA wa Kiasia anayehusishwa kumiliki hoteli moja maarufu iliyopo Kigamboni anadaiwa kumjeruhi kwa kumchoma moto mkazi wa Mjimwema, Lila Hussein (25), baada kuingia hotelini hapo bila kulipa kiingilio.
Akizungumza na Tanzania Daima jana, ndugu wa majeruhi huyo, Abdullah Saiwaad,alisema tukio hilo lilitokea Jumamosi majira kati ya saa 5:00 na 6:00 usiku.
Alisema kabla ya kuchomwa moto, Lila ambaye amelazwa wodi namba 7 katika Hospitali ya Temeke akiwa hajitambui, alivuliwa nguo kisha kumwagiwa mafuta ya petroli na kwamba amejeruhiwa vibaya kuanzia sehemu za magotini hadi shingoni.
Alisema chanzo cha tukio hilo ni Lila kuingia kwenye muziki hotelini hapo bila kulipa kiingilio.
“Hali ni tete, Lila yupo hospitali ya Temeke akipigania maisha yake baada ya kuchomwa moto na mhindi ambaye ni mmiliki wa hoteli ya South Beach, ameungua vibaya tunamwomba Mungu anusuru maisha yake,” alisema Saiwaad.
Alisema baadaye aliokolewa na wafanyakazi wawili baada ya kuamua kupeleka taarifa kijijini Mjimwema.
Kutokana na tukio hilo wanakijiji wametishia kuchoma moto hoteli hiyo na kwamba hali hiyo imesababisha mkuu wa kituo cha Kigamboni kupeleka askari wa doria kusimamia usalama hotelini hapo.
Akizungumza na Tanzania Daima kwa njia ya simu jana, Kamanda wa Polisi Mkoa wa Temeke, Davis Misime, alikiri kuwepo kwa taarifa hizo na kuahidi kuzifuatilia kwa kina.
Kwa mujibu wa Misime, usiku askari walipata taarifa kuwa kuna mtu amechomwa moto hotelini hapo ndipo walipokwenda na kumchukua majeruhi na kumpeleka katika kituo cha afya Kigamboni kisha baadaye kupelekwa Temeke.
Hata hivyo, habari zinapasha zaidi kwamba baadaye jioni ya jana, Lila alihamishiwa katika Hospitali ya Taifa Muhimbili (MNH) kutokana na hali yake kuwa mbaya.
12.4.11
Evarist Chahali
CCM, JAKAYA KIKWETE
1 comment
Hatimaye habari za "tiba ya miujiza ya Babu wa Loliondo" zimefunikwa kidogo,at least kwa muda,baada ya chama tawala CCM kufanya mabadiliko yanayoitwa makubwa katika safu za uongozi wake.Katika mabadiliko hayo,kamati kuu ya chama hicho ililazimika kujiuzulu na kufuatiwa na uteuzi wa wajumbe wapya.
Tukio hilo linaonekana kuwagusa Watanzania wengi na tayari baadhi yao wameanza kumpongeza Mwenyekiti wa chama hicho,Rais Jakaya Kikwete,kwa kile kinachotajwa kama "maamuzi magumu na mazito".
Hebu nikuulize msomaji mpendwa.Hivi ukiamua kuanzisha urafiki na jambazi unategemea hatima yake itakuwa nini?Na pindi ukitambua kuwa urafiki huo unakupeleka kubaya,na hatimaye kuamua kuachana na jambazi huyo,unastahili sifa gani?
Mfano huo unamhusu Kikwete na CCM kwa ujumla.Wakati baadhi yetu wanapiga vigeregere vya pongezi kutokana na "ujasiri wa Kikwete" kinachopuuzwa ni ukweli kuwa ni Kikwete huyuhuyo aliyewawezesha watu kama Edward Liowassa na Rostam Aziz kufikia hapo walipo sasa.
Baada ya Mwalimu Julius Nyerere "kumzuia" kuongoza Tanzania mwaka 1995,Kikwete alijenga uswahiba na Lowassa na Rostam kwa minajili ya kuchukua urais mwaka 2005 baada ya Rais Benjamin Mkapa kumaliza miaka yake 10.Mbinu chafu zilizotumiwa na wanasiasa hao watatu zinafahamika kwa takriban kila mmoja wetu.Utatu huo usio mtakatifu uliounda genge hatari linalojulikana kama "Wanamtandao".Genge hilo lilifanya kila mbinu kuhakikisha kuwa lazima Kikwete anakamata urais mwaka 2005.Na hatimaye walifanikiwa baada ya kujipenyeza katika kila nyanja ya jamii ya Tanzania.
Baada ya kuukwaa urais,Kikwete aliwaruhusu washirika wake kufanya mambo wapendavyo kana kwamba Tanzania ni kampuni ya mtu binafsi.Sijui ni kujisahau au kuvimbiwa,haikuchukua muda kwa maswahiba hao wa Kikwete kuanza kufanya mambo "ndivyo sivyo".Kufupisha stori,skandali kama za Richmond,EPA,nk kwa kiwango kikubwa ni matokeo ya moja kwa moja ya harakati za wanasiasa hawa.
Sasa,kilichotokea Dodoma na kupachikwa jina "kujivua magamba" ni sawa kabisa na mfano niliotoa hapo awali wa mtu kujenga urafiki na jambazi.Baada ya Kikwete kumaizi kuwa asipokuwa makini anaweza kujikuta akifiwa na CCM mikononi mwake,amelazimika kujitenga na maswahiba waliomsaidia kuukwaa urais.
Kwanini basi naamini kuwa Kikwete hastahili pongezi zozote kutokana na uamuzi wa kuwatosa maswahiba zake?Kwanza,hata huko "kuwatosa" kwenyewe kumefanyika katika mazingira ya uoga.Inaelezwa kuwa matakwa ya waliohitaji mageuzi ndani ya chama hicho yalikuwa kuwatimua kabisa Lowassa,Rostam na Chenge.Lakini kinyume chake,Kikwete akaamua kuvunja kamati kuu nzima.Usisahau msemo wa Kiswahili kuwa kilio cha wengi ni harusi.
Je ni kweli kwamba kamati kuu nzima ilikuwa na mapungufu ya kulazimisha kuivunja yote?Je kamati kuu nzima ilikuwa ya kifisadi kwa vile tu miongoni mwao kulikuwa na watuhumiwa wa ufisadi?
Ukweli unabaki kwamba Kikwete hakuweza kuwa na jeuri ya kuwatosa Lowassa,Rostam na Chenge kama mtu mmoja mmoja na badala yake akaamua kuchukua kile wanachoita Waingereza "blanket decision" ambapo waliomo na wasiomo wakajikuta wanabwagwa.
Tukiweka hilo kando,kuna hoja ya pili ambayo ni nafasi ya waliotoswa kuendeleza kile kile kilichopelekea kuondolewa kwenye kamati kuu in the first place.Lowassa,Rostam na Chenge wanaendelea kubaki wabunge wa CCM,huku Lowasssa akiendelea pia kuongoza kamati influential ya Ulinzi na Usalama.Je kwa nafasi walizobaki nazo wanasiasa hao hawawezi kujitutumua kuendeleza harakati zao?Muda utatueleza.
Lakini pia tunapaswa kumwangalia Kikwete sio tu kama Mwenyekiti wa CCM bali pia Rais wa nchi.Kama tukiamini kuwa ujasiri wake ndio uliopelekea maamuzi hayo "magumu" ndani ya chama chake,kwanini basi huko serikalini inamwia vigumu kuondoa rundo la uozo linalohatarisha future ya nchi yetu?
Na ieleweke kwamba wakati chama kinaendeshwa kisiasa zaidi,serikali inaendeshwa kwa kuzingatia sheria na taratibu zilizopo,au zinazoweza kutengenezwa kwa makusudi maalum.
Kikwete huyuhuyu ndiye aliyetamka mara baada ya kupata urais mwaka 2005 kuwa anawafahamu wala rushwa kwa majina,na kwamba anawapa muda wa kujirekebisha.Sote tunafahamu kuwa wala rushwa sio tu hawajajirekebisha bali pia wamepuuza indefinite deadline hiyo ya Kikwete.
Sijui ni usahaulifu au hatupo makini,baadhi ya wenzetu wameshasahau kuwa katika kampeni za uchaguzi mkuu uliopita hivi majuzi tu Kikwete huyuhuyu alisimama majukwaani kuwapigia debe Lowassa,Rostam na Chenge huku akiwamwagia sifa lukuki.
Kama haitoshi,Kikwete alimudu kuwatetea "live" alipoongea na waandishi wa habari huku akisisitiza kuwa wanasiasa hao hawajatiwa hatiani na kinachodaiwa dhidi yao ni tuhuma tu.Sasa kama huo ndio ukweli,how come basi safari hii kawatosa ilhali hawajawahi kutiwa hatiani?
Na watatiwaje hatiani katika mazingira ya sasa ambapo sheria zipo tu kwa ajili ya kuwabana wamachinga,wezi wa kuku,walalahoi wanaoshindwa kumudu kulipa kodi kutokana na umasikini wao na Watanzania wengine wa kawaida,ilhali vigogo wakiachwa wafanye wapendavyo?
Hivi kweli tumesahau mzaha wa hukumu dhidi ya Chenge katika kesi yake ya kuua watu wawili kwa kuwagonga na gari ambalo bima yake ilikuwa imesha-expire?Kuna Watanzania wangapi wanaosota jela sio kwa vile wameshatiwa hatiani bali hawana uwezo wa kuwahonga waendesha mashtaka na mahakimu?
Don't get me wrong kuwa labda namchukia Kikwete.Hapana.Sina tatizo naye kama Jakaya Kikwete bali tatizo langu lipo kwenye udhaifu wa uongozi wake kama Rais Jakaya Kikwete.
Tusiwe wepesi wa kuamini kila jambo linapotokea hata kabla ya kupima ufanisi wake.Kadhalika,tusiwe wepesi wa kupuuza historia,kwa mfano kusahau kuwa Kikwete huyu huyu alituahidi maisha bora kwa kila Mtanzania na matokeo yake imeishia kuwa maisha bora kwa kila fisadi.
Unaweza kunihoji kwanini nawasihi kuwa na subira kabla ya kukimbilia kupiga vigeregere vya furaha na pongezi kwa maamuzi ya "kijasiri" ya Kikwete,lakini wakati huohuo mie pia nakimbilia kumwaga lawama na kusambaza "sumu ya kutotarajia mema" badala ya kusubiri matokeo.
Jibu langu ni jepesi.Historia inamhukumu Kikwete.Amekuwa mahiri zaidi wa kutoa ahadi lakini mwepesi sana wa kusahau ahadi zake.Historia pia inatukumbusha kuwa hata Lowassa alipojiuzulu kwa kuhusika kwake kwenye skandali ya Richmond Kikwete alimpongeza na kudai kilichomkumba swahiba wake huyo ni ajali tu ya kisiasa.Na Waziri Mkuu Mizengo Pinda akapigilia msumari kwa kudai kuwa sikum moja Lowassa anaweza kurejea kwenye uongozi serikalini.Kwanini basi sasa tuamini kuwa kutoswa kwa wanasiasa hao ndio mwisho wa yote wanayolifanyia taifa hili?
Mwisho,nadhani tumezowea mno kuona madudu kiasi kwamba hata kiongozi anapotimiza wajibu wake tunalazimika kumpongeza.Kwanini hatujipongezi kwa kunawa uso au kupiga mswaki kila tunapoamka?Yah,hatujipongezi kwa vile vitendo hivyo ni wajibu wetu wa kila siku.
Kwanini hatujipongezi kwa kwenda makazini au mashuleni?Alichofanya Kikwete sio ujasiri bali kimsingi ni wajibu wake kama kiongozi.Na kwa hakika hakipaswi kuishia huko CCM pekee,chama chenye wanachama pungufu ya watu milioni tano wakati nchi yetu ina watu takriban milioni 50,bali kama yupo serious kweli na anajua kwanini yupo Ikulu,basi ni lazima aanze kusafisha uozo uliopo kila kona.
Kuna tofauti kubwa kati ya jambo jema linalostahili pongezi na utekelezaji wa wajibu.Alichofanya Kikwete ni the latter:ametekeleza wajibu wake kama kiongozi.Jambo jema linaloweza kutufanya tummwagie rundo la pongezi ni pindi atakapoamka usingizini na kutambua nchi inateketea kwa ufisadi huku virusi vya udini vikizidi kuzagaa katika jamii yetu kutokana na jitihada za matapeli wa kisiasa wanaowatumia wazembe wanapoouza vipaumbele vyao (kwa mfano wanaopotosha kuwa upinzani dhidi ya mchakato wa mabadiliko ya katiba unatokana na chuki ya Wakristo kwa Muislam Kikwete.This is way too low,na tusipokuwa makini tutaanza kutetea vibaka,majambazi,makahaba,mafuska,wabakaji,nk kwa vile tu wanatoka dhehebu flani).
10 Apr 2011
Habari zilizopatikana kutoka Dodoma kwenye kikao cha CCM chini ya uenyekiti wa Rais Jakaya Kikwete zinaeleza kuwa baadhi ya viongozi waadamizi wa chama hicho wamevuliwa madaraka.Kwa mujibu wa vyanzo vya mtandaoni,waliokumbwa na panga la Kikwete ni pamoja na maswahiba wake wakuu kisiasa,Edward Lowassa na Rostam Aziz.Wengine wanaotajwa kwa mujibu wa habari hizo ni "Mzee wa Vijisenti" Andrew Chenge na "mgosi" Yusuph Makamba.
Ningependa kuichambua habari hii kwa kirefu lakini nasubiri kwanza tamko rasmi la CCM.Hata hivyo,tukiamini kuwa habari hizo ni sahihi,kuna uwezekano ya yafuatayo kutokea:
Kwanza,ni muhimu kufahamu watu kama Lowassa na Rostam wametoka wapi.Hawa walikuwa vioungo muhimu kwa ushindi wa Kikwete mwaka 2005.Wanaowajua vema wanawa-describe kwa mlolongo huu:Lowassa-mwanasiasa haswa (simaanishi kuwa ni mwanasiasa mwadilifu),Rostam-bwana fedha,na Kikwete-mtawala.Wajuzi wa siasa chafu wanaeleza kuwa ushirikiano huo wa watu hawa watatu ulitumia kila aina ya mbinu kuhakikisha Kikwete anaingia Ikulu hapo 2005.Na ikawa hivyo,baada ya viongozi hao wakuu wa "Mtandao" kufanikiwa kupenya takriban kila kundi la jamii;kutoka viongozi wa dini hadi wakuu wa taasisi za dola,kutoka wanahabari hadi wasanii.
Pasipo kuuma maneno,ushirika huu usio mtakatika wa Lowassa,Rostam na Kikwete ni mithili ya joka lenye vichwa vitatu.Sasa iwapo ni kweli kuwa Kikwete kaamua kubaki kichwa pekee kwenye joka hilo basi yayumkinika kubashiri kuwa uhai wa joka hilo nao uko matatani.
Pili,kwa kufuata mlolongo wa nilichoandika hapo juu,inaelezwa kuwa Lowassa ndiye aliyefanya kazi kubwa zaidi ya kutengeneza serikali ya Kikwete.Ikumbukwe kuwa japo wote wawili walishashika nyadhifa mbalimbali serikali kabla ya 2005,Lowassa alikuwa amejijenga zaidi kiuchumi na kisiasa ukilinganisha na Kikwete.Kadhalika-na hapa nafafanua kwanini niliandika hapo juu kuwa Lowassa ni mwanasiasa haswa(japo simaanishi ni mwanasiasa mwadilifu)-ni ukweli kuwa mwanasiasa huyo ana ushawishi wa kisiasa zaidi ya Kikwete.Japo wote wawili ni wapenda umaarufu (populists),wakati Kikwete amekuwa akitumia zaidi turufu ya "tabasamu la muda wote" na "kuwa karibu na watu",Lowassa amekwenda mbali zaidi na kujifanya anayafahamu matatizo ya wananchi na kuyatolea ufumbuzi mapema (ndio maana licha ya kulazimika kujiuzulu kutokana na ufisadi wa Richmond bado kuna wanaomwona kama mwajibikaji).Kwa kifupi,Lowassa ni mwepesi wa kuchukua maamuzi (hususan yale yatayopelekea yeye kuonekana kama "Sokoine flani hivi"),Kikwete ni mzito wa maamuzi (huku walio karibu naye wakidai tatizo sio uzito wa maamuzi bali hajui vipaumbele vyake).
Inaaminika kuwa Lowassa ana ufuasi mkubwa ndani ya CCM na serikalini kwa ujumla.Kwa mujibu wa wajuzi wa mambo,faida aliyonayo Lowassa ndani ya chama hicho ni uwezo wa kifedha,ambapo inaelezwa kwamba amewasaidia viongozi mbalimbali wa CCM kiuchumi na kuwawezesha kuwepo walipo leo.Kadhalika,akiutumia vema urafiki wake na Kikwete, na nafasi yake kama Waziri Mkuu kabla ya skandali ya Richmond,aliweza kutengeneza "mtandao ndani ya mtandao",kwa maana ya kuwaweka madarakani watu wenye utiifu kwake zaidi kuliko CCM au Kikwete.Inaelezwa wateuliwa wengi kwenye nafasi za kiserikali na kichama ngazi za mikoa na wilaya ni wafuasi wa Lowassa,kwa mfano ma-RC na ma-DC,na wenyeviti na makatibu wa CCM mikoani na wilayani.
Swali la muhimu ni je,kuondoka kwa Lowassa katika wadhifa mmoja kutazuwia nguvu na ushawishi wake kwa wafuasi wake,wengi wao wakiwa ni watu walio madarakani kutokana na fadhila za mwanasiasa huyo?
La tatu ni ukweli kuwa Lowassa anataka urais hapo 2015.Na hilo halikuanza jana au juzi bali wajuzi wa mambo wanaeleza kuwa kulikuwa na makubaliano rasmi kati ya Kikwete na Lowassa kuwa wangepokezana uongozi maara baada ya Kikwete kumaliza miaka yake 10.Japo suala la Richmond lilizua mfarakano wa aina flani kati ya wawili hao lakini ukweli unabaki kuwa "heshima" aliyotoa Kikwete kwa Lowassa kwa kutomtimua bali kusubiri ajiuzulu mwenyewe iliwaacha wawili hao wakiendelea na urafiki wao japo si kama ilivyokuwa mwanzoni.
Haifahamiki kama Kikwete bado anaheshimu "makubaliano" yake na Lowassa kuhusu "kupokezana kijiti cha urais hapo 2015" lakini hiyo haimzuwii Lowassa kuamini kuwa "piga au" lazima achukue nafasi hiyo.Of course,kuna majina kama Bernard Membe (mtu anayetajwa kuuweka uhusiano na Lowassa katika wakati mgumu kwa vile yeye na Lowassa "picha hazipandi" ilhali yeye na Kikwete ni "damu damu",na Kikwete na Lowassa ndio hivyo tena "hawakufahamiana mtaani" kama ilivyowahi kutamkwa hadharani ) lakini turufu ya Lowassa haitegemei sana baraka za Kikwete bali ushawishi na nguvu yake ndani ya CCM,sambamba na uwezo wake mkubwa wa kifedha (alizitoa wapi....waulize TAKUKURU).Na ana faida nyingine kubwa ambayo ni uswahiba wake na Rostam,mfanyabiashara mwenye asili ya kiasia anayetajwa kuwa na nguvu zaidi ya Kikwete-kutokana na utajiri wake unaoweza kumfanya kuwa mtu tajiri kuliko wote Tanzania.Kadhalika,inaelezwa kuwa Rostam ni mjuzi wa mbinu chafu hususan kwa kutumia fedha zake na "njaa" za wanaohitaji chochote kutoka kwake.
Jingine,ambalo linaweza kuwa si la msingi sana japo lina umuhimu wa aina flani ni ukweli kwamba Lowassa na Rostam wana siri muhimu kumhusu Kikwete na urais wake kwa ujumla.Njia pekee kuwadhibiti wawili hao kwa kutumia Idara ya Usalama wa Taifa.Katika siasa zetu za "ovyo ovyo" ni rahisi tu kwa rais kuiamuru taasisi hiyo imfanyie kazi zake binafsi badala ya zile za kikatiba.Hilo linawezekana zaidi kutokana na nafasi ya Rais kama consumer wa taarifa zote za kishushushu.
Nisingependa kutabiri matokeo kabla ya taarifa kamili ya CCM lakini tukiamini habari zilizopo na ikathibitika kuwa ni kweli basi nachobashiri ni mwanzo wa mwisho wa chama hicho tawala.Naomba unielewe vizuri: tatizo la msingi sio kutimuliwa kwa Lowassa na Rostam bali ukweli kuwa USHIRIKA WA WACHAWI HAUDUMU.Sambamba na hilo ni ukweli mwingine kuwa JOKA LENYE VICHWA VITATU HALIWEZI KUWA HAI MUDA MREFU PINDI VICHWA VIWILI VIKIKATWA.
Lakini la muhimu kuliko yote ni manufaa kwa Watanzania kutokana na mabadiliko hayo ndani ya CCM.Kwa kifupi,ukiacha vichwa vikubwa vya habari kwenye magazeti yetu,mabadiliko hayo hayana manufaa yoyote kwa masikini wasio na hakika ya mlo wao wa kesho,wanafunzi wanaokaa sakafuni kwa uhaba wa madawati,akina mama wanaoletewa bajaj za kuwawahisha hospitali wakiwa wajawazito japo wabunge wanapewa mashangingi ya uheshimiwa,nk nk nk.Wa kuondoka na CCM kama chama kilichopo madarakani.Wanapoondoana ndani kwa ndani haimsaidii Mtanzania wa kawaida.
9 Apr 2011
Chelsea striker tells Stuart James he has more than football on his mind – his father is caught up in the Ivory Coast conflict
Salomon Kalou has a huge weight on his mind and it has nothing to do with Chelsea's Champions League defeat against Manchester United in midweek. The prospect of finishing the season at Stamford Bridge without a trophy is hard to contemplate but it pales into insignificance compared with the heartache Kalou feels when he turns his thoughts to his family and friends caught up in the conflict in the Ivory Coast.
The bitter and bloody fallout from last November's presidential elections has plunged the country where Kalou spent the first 17 years of his life back into civil war. Thousands have been killed and the harrowing images of the street battles in Abidjan, where his father, Antoine, and other members of his extended family live, together with the stories of food and water shortages in what was once West Africa's most prosperous country, plague Kalou's conscience.
"It's very hard to go on to the pitch and say I'm not thinking about people dying every day, I'm not thinking about my friends not eating, my dad not getting help," Kalou says. "To be honest, I worry every day. I am thinking more about that than anything else. Any chance I have to go on the phone or to go on the news and check I do, because that's my main priority. I need to make sure my family are safe.
"I got my mum and five sisters out four days before it started. When we played against Benin in Ghana last month with Ivory Coast [in an African Cup of Nations qualifier moved to a neutral venue because of the violence], I got them to come and watch the game and from there they went to Togo. They can stay there until the end of the situation. My dad was going to come as well but the war started on the day he was going to come."
Kalou acknowledges he is in a fortunate position to be able to afford sanctuary for his mother and sisters in Togo for as long as they need it, but he feels "helpless" in relation to his father's predicament. The problems in Abidjan mean that, at the time of this interview, which takes place at his home in Surrey on Thursday evening, Kalou has gone three days without speaking to his father. He is desperate to hear news of a peaceful resolution.
"I don't want to take any sides and I don't want to get involved in the politics of the Ivory Coast because politics is for politicians, but it hurts me to see my friends, my brothers, killing each other," he says. "Some of my best friends are from the north, I'm from the west, I have friends from the south – I have a lot of Ivorian friends. Ivorians don't have problems with Ivorians. Politics are dividing people. But is that a reason for people to kill? Why not stop that now and talk.
People from outside should help to bring peace. Bring food and water to people. That's what I call worrying about the civilians. Then I can have respect for that and say those people really care. If your priority is to say one side loses and one side wins, then you are not stopping anything. They will keep fighting and, in the end, when everyone is gone, what is left for those people? Those kids who have seen the war and people dying, how many years is it going to take for them to get over it?"
Although Kalou admits it is impossible to erase those questions from his mind, the football pitch at least provides a place to try to escape. His only wish is that he spent much more time immersing himself in playing, rather than watching from the substitutes' bench, which was again the case on Wednesday night, when Chelsea lost 1-0 to United and Kalou was forced to endure the familiar sight of the strikers picked ahead of him fluffing their lines.
It is a frustrating situation, especially as this season Kalou has by far the best goals-to-minutes ratio in the Premier League of the four Chelsea forwards and is second only to Nicolas Anelka in all competitions. "That speaks for itself," Kalou says as he runs his eyes over the figures. "I think a player can be great if you have the opportunity to play every week and show what you can do. If you take a player like [Lionel] Messi and you don't play him, you won't see how good he is.
"All along my time at Chelsea there is always a big name playing and that makes it difficult for the manager to put me in the team. And I understand that, because coming in as a young player in a big club, you have to fight your way through. But I have been here for five years, scored over 50 goals for the club and there are some big players who have been here who haven't done that. But I think the fans appreciate my record."
Kalou reels off the names of Hernán Crespo, Andriy Shevchenko, Mateja Kezman and Claudio Pizarro to illustrate his point. It is tempting to wonder whether the much-maligned Fernando Torres will be next on the list, although Kalou insists he is pleased the Spaniard signed. "The arrival of Torres is a benefit to me because now I get to play my real position, behind the striker – that's where I was playing before I joined Chelsea. I played with Torres against Manchester City and I thought it was really good. We had very good movement and created chances."
Chelsea triumphed 2-0 that day, although it was the only match Kalou has started in the last seven, raising the obvious question about what he can do to change things. "I think I can talk to the club and see what my position is because it's frustrating to not get involved knowing that you're playing better than others," the former Feyenoord striker says. "I did speak to Carlo Ancelotti. He is an understanding man. He knows what I feel as a player because he played before."
Will it get to the stage where he thinks he has to go to a club where he will be the main forward? "Of course. I think about it all the time," Kalou says. "That's what my goal is [to be the first choice]. If you look at those statistics, if I play double the games, I'm sure I can do better than that. I think people know and I think the club know – they never let me go or try to sell me. I believe that my time is coming at Chelsea, and if it's not at Chelsea it will be at another team."
Yet Kalou is such an affable, laid-back character that it is difficult to imagine him making demands or creating a scene when overlooked. "If I'm not happy I'm not playing, I don't really show my emotions," the 25-year-old admits. "Sometimes, maybe I should show more because it's good for the manager to know that the player is pissed off not to play. I'm relaxed and easy-going and people think that whatever he gets to play he will be happy. But that's not the case sometimes."
For Kalou, though, it is about "showing respect" for his team-mates when he is left out and supporting them, which helps to explain why he is so well liked at Chelsea at all levels. He smiles knowingly when it is suggested he is popular with Roman Abramovich, the club's owner, and the rest of the board.
"They know that I never complain, never make trouble and never try to bring the club's image down. They have the belief that most of the players who will complain will be doing crazy stuff in training and not training well and that's not the case with me, so I think they respect that and they also have respect for the fact that, even though I am not playing, I can have better statistics than the player who does."
One statistic Kalou would prefer not to have to his name, however, is the club record he broke last Saturday at Stoke, when he made his 94th substitute appearance for Chelsea. "It's like getting a plastic medal. It's kind of like, you've done good to be a sub. That's not what I want," he says, shaking his head. "I want to have a real impact as an important player for Chelsea because I know I have the ability to do that.
"The only thing is to be playing regularly and have the confidence and rhythm of those games. Then you can show what you can do. If you can play 20 minutes and change a game, you can change a game in 90 minutes."
The evidence of one of his more recent contributions from the bench can be found in his lounge, where the man-of-the-match champagne from the Blackpool game last month, when he replaced Didier Drogba to create two Chelsea goals in a 3-1 victory, sits next to the signed ball he took home after scoring a hat-trick against Stoke City 12 months ago. One of Usain Bolt's running shoes, a picture of Diego Maradona in his prime and a signed Muhammad Ali boxing glove complete the sporting backdrop.
Kalou gives a guided tour of the rest of the house, which is decorated with shirts from some of the world's greatest players, as an interview that lasts the length of time he would like to spend on the pitch against Wigan on Saturday draws to a close. One conversation, though, is difficult to leave behind. "We need to stop the war," he says. "What I worry about is my family to not get hurt and my country to not get destroyed. My concern is not who is going to govern. My main concern is peace."
SOURCE:The Guardian
7 Apr 2011
This panel explored the joint case on litigating reparations initiatives for the Herero Genocide in German South-West Africa (1904-08) and the Mau Mau Emergency in British Kenya (1952-1960). Both historical events can be described as two of the most atrocious chapters in the book of European colonialism in Africa and the groundbreaking scholarship of the panel's speakers has been instrumental in pursuing the respective legal actions against the Federal Republic of Germany and the United Kingdom.
David Anderson on the Mau Mau case
For many years in Kenya Mau Mau was deemed best forgotten. Reparations movements were suppressed under the Kenyatta government. However, in the 1990s a number of reparation organisations were formed. Originally these were local in focus – largely being claims for property stolen whilst suspected Mau Mau members were imprisoned. The Kenyatta government was not keen on opening up this potentially divisive subject, and so several thousand claim cases were recorded but never brought to court. In effect, the government helped suppress the national memory of Mau Mau.
In the 1990s the Kenya Human Rights Commission (KHRC) was formed, following a global shift towards such rights and entitlements. The KHRC was however initially reluctant to take on seemingly ‘unwinnable’ Mau Mau case. Difficult questions existed as to which courts would hear cases of claims against the British government and under which national jurisdiction would they occur?
The KHRC did however take up the cases, and it is important to note that the momentum towards litigation by Mau Mau claimants pre-dated the publishing of books on the subject – notably David Anderson’s Histories of the hanged and Caroline Elkins’ Britain’s Gulag – which both came out in 2005. These publications however provided the claimants (and their lawyers) with greater ammunition for their cases. The Kenyan government has been a little wary about the implications of successful claims, as it is not keen to arbitrate on who should benefit from reparations. The Mau Mau claim is also seen as being nationally divisive, as Mau Mau is not considered a national movement but rather an ethnic one. Under the present coalition government, no one in Kenya wants to tackle such potentially divisive subjects.
David Anderson’s role in the current Mau Mau case (to go to court in London on 4th April) is that of an expert witness. As such, he provided historical background from his own research.
Anderson stated that at the atrocities that took place by – or on behalf of – the British government, between 1952 and 60, were not a secret. They were widely reported on by the British press, but no one felt the need to do anything.
They Kenya National Archive has very good records from the Mau Mau period. However, Anderson made the point that things are missing. Areas in which documents are missing are easily identified by any historian, as it is obvious when certain categories of documents have been removed. For example, documents about detentions centres, screening teams (set up to conduct interrogations) and collective punishments (administered to entire villages) are missing, when it is known that records of all such actions were taken.
The case currently under preparation is focussed on 5 claimants who claim torture in a variety of different prison camps. Lawyers are charged with proving British government culpability and liability for the torture.
Whilst culpability may be proven, liability is more problematic. One argument which seeks to counter liability claim is that, upon independence, Kenya’s assumption of its national sovereignty was an implicit acceptance of liability for any outstanding claims against its national administration. This logic may mean that the British government accepts culpability for torture (from the time of its sovereignty over Kenya) but is not liable for it.
Anderson stated that he has tried to persuade the British government that an out of court settlement would be the best solution. This would ideally also include a public acknowledgement of wrongdoing, and even an apology. This is what happened with the German government and the case of the Herero. An apology and a ‘gift’ – to be used for developmental purposes – was provided. It was stated that some progress was made on this under the last government.
In his statement to the courts for the upcoming case Anderson cited the existence of missing documents. He stated that these documents may have been removed by the exiting British administration in 1963. Evidence was provided from documents Anderson has seen which detail certain files that were ‘retrieved’ to London upon independence. These removals were of a significant scale – there are references to ‘3 crates of documents’ having been ‘retrieved.’ These documents have now however been found, and were released to both defence and prosecution. An open question was asked as to whether this was a ‘cock up or conspiracy.’
Whilst the missing documents in the Kenya case have been found, Anderson questioned whether in other instances – Malaya, Cyprus, Nigeria (to name just 3 possible examples) – there might also be missing documents, ‘retrieved’ to London, with much to tell us about the actions of colonial administrations.
The Mau Mau claim is not the only claim the British government may have to worry about. Claims mau arise from, for example Malaya or Palestine, and as such there is a fear that a successful claim could set a precedent for reparations claims. However, the point was made that the ongoing Mau Mau case does affect relations between Britain and the Kenyan government. Anderson strongly advocates that it would be better for all involved to settle out of court.
Robert Murtfeld on the Herero case
Robert Murtfield is a PhD student focussed on international law – with a focus on the case of the Herero genocide in what is now Namibia. He has been working on the Herero case for 5 years.
In 2004 the Herero recognised the centenary of the genocide carried out against them by the German army in South West Africa. This centenary was also made notable by the delivering of an apology by the German Minister for Economic Development and Cooperation. Murtfield however stated that this apology never received German parliamentary approval, and was framed in a development context. In essence, it was not enough, and Murtfield now seeks to revitalise the Herero debate 10 years after the 2004 apology.
The case of the Herero exemplifies a very violent instance of colonialism. German South West Africa (modern day Namibia) was the primary German settler colony. The Herero – who were the original occupiers of this land – felt threatened by the settler presence, and started a war against the settlers, killing 120 – 130 of them. The imminent loss of control of its colony engendered a military response from the German government. The Herero were militarily encircled and given one route through which they could escape – by crossing the Kalahari desert. This was in essence an order of extermination.
As with Kenya and the Mau Mau, the actions of the colonial military/administration were not a secret. The extermination order by the commander of the German forces was communicated back to Germany where it was initially accepted. The order was later withdrawn, but concentration camps (based on the British model from the Boer War) were set up, where many Herero were worked to death.
A case brought against the Federal Republic of Germany through a US court failed due to the inability of such a court to rule upon what was a German case. The Herero could also not appeal to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as the ICJ only deals with appeals made by states (the claim was made on behalf of the Herero and not Namibia as a national entity.) The Herero case had a complex national politics to it in Namibia, as Germany is the biggest aid donor to Namibia. The Namibian government did not want to endanger this aid due to the actions of one section of its population.
Both presentations demonstrated the difficulties inherent in international law, and emanating from national governments, in gaining reparations for such claims. The Mau Mau litigation - begining of April 4th - could make history as the first successful example of such a claim.
Many thanks to The Royal African Society for tweeting to me the link to the article
- 7.4.11
- Evarist Chahali
- RAIA MWEMA
- No comments
Makala yangu yawiki hii katika Jarida mahiri la Raia Mwema toleo la Jumatano April 6,2011 inaangalia ahadi za Rais Jakaya Kikwete na jeuri za Umoja wa Vijana wa CCM (UVCCM).Pamoja na makala hiyo (BONYEZA HAPA KUISOMA) ni habari na uchambuzi motomoto ndani ya jarida hili maridhawa kabisa la Raia Mwema.
Wakenya wanne wanaodai waliteswa na utawala wa kikoloni wa Uingereza katika jitihada zake za kukandamiza harakati za kundi la Mau Mau,wamefungua kesi jijini London.
Kundi hilo linalodai fidia katika mahakama kuu ya hapa linadai kuwa walishambuliwa na maafisa wa serikali ya kikoloni ya Uingereza nchini Kenya kati ya mwaka 1952 na 1961.
Maelfu ya wanaharakati wa Mau Mau waliwekwa kwenye kambi za wakoloni hao na kuteswa huku wengine wakiuawa,wanasema wanaharakati hao.
Serikali ya Uingereza inadai kuwa muda mrefu umepita tangu yalipotokea matukio hayo,na hivyo inadai haiwajibiki nayo.
Hatua hiyo ya kisheria inachukuliwa na wanaume watatu na mwanamke mmoja ambao umri wao ni kati ya miaka 70 na 80.
Mawakili wao wanadai kuwa Wakenya hao wanne wanawakilisha sehemu kubwa ya jamii ya Wakenya walionyanyaswa kutokana na ushiriki wao,au kuhusiswa na harakati za mapambano dhid ya wakoloni katika miaka ya 1950s.
"Wizara" ya Mambo ya Nje ya Uingereza (Foreign Office) inakiri kwamba suala la Mau Mau linazua hisia kali na kwamba zama hizo zilisababisha maumivu makubwa kwa pande zote.
Hata hivyo,"Wizara" inaeleza kuwa Uingereza itajitetea kikamilifu dhidi ya madai yaliyomo kwenye kesi hiyo,ikidai kuwa haiwajibiki.
Uchambuzi wa nyaraka zinazohusiana na kesi hiyo umepelekea kugundulika kwa maelfu ya mafaili ya tawala za kikoloni za Waingereza,ikiwa ni pamoja na nchini Kenya,na "Wizara" ya Mambo ya Nje inatarajia kuweka rekodi hizo hadharani.
Harakati za Mau Mau zilianza miaka ya 1950s kwa lengo la kudai ardhi iliyoporwa na utawala wa kikoloni.
Wanahistoria wanadai kuwa harakati za Mau Mau zilichangia katika kupatikana uhuru wa Kenya.
Hata hivyo,harakati hizo pia zilishutumiwa kwa ukatili dhidi ya wakulima wa kizungu na mapambano ya umwagaji damu dhidi ya askari wa utawala wa kikoloni.
Kamisheni ya Haki za Binadamu nchini Kenya imesema kuwa zaidi ya Wakenya 90,000 waliteswa au kuuawa katika kipindi hicho,na watu 160,000 waliwekwa kizuizini katika mazingira ya kuogofya.
Ripoti rasmi iliyochapishwa mwaka 1961 ilidai kuwa zaidi ya Waafrika 11,000,wengi wao wakiwa raia wa kawaida,na wazungu 32 waliuwa katika kipindi hicho.
Habari hii imeandaliwa kutokana na habari kwenye kipindi cha "Breakfast" cha BBC1 Scotland na tafsiri isiyo rasmi kutoka kwenye tovuti ya BBC
6 Apr 2011
- 6.4.11
- Evarist Chahali
- Mxcarter
- No comments
Nathamini sana ubunifu.Na mmoja wa vijana wabunifu wenye vipaji vya kupigiwa mstari ni Michael Carter Mlingwa,au maarufu kama Mxcarter.Mie napendelea kumuita Mr Carter (as in Shawn Carter,yaani Jay-Z).Bonyeza bango hilo hapo juu kutembelea tovuti hiyo,na naamini utakubaliana nami kuwa kijana huyu anajituma vilivyo kuendeleza fani mbalimbali za sanaa mtandaoni.
Unaweza pia kum-join Twitter @twitter.com/mxcarter (au bonyeza picha ifuatayo)
au kutembelea ukurasa wake wa Facebook unaopatikana kwa kubonyeza picha ifuatayo
Tovuti hii iko mbioni kufanya mahojiano na Mxcarter,na yatarushwa hapa pindi yatapokamilika.Yote hiyo ni kuenzi vipaji vya Tanzania yetu.
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